Cultural Norms and National Security
A well-known American social scientist ventures into a study of Japanese attitudes toward national security. He argues that the two main paradigms of American specialists in international relations -- realism and liberalism -- are insufficient because they disregard culturally conditioned "norms." Says the author, "Norms matter for national security policy," and "Contemporary Japan . . . eschews police and military violence." The book explores how these norms came about and concludes with a prediction that "Japan's security policy will continue to be shaped" by its domestic norms rather than by the international balance of power. If the argument was couched in more modest terms, for example that a nation's values shape its view of national security, few would disagree. But the author seems determined to throw overboard international relations specialists' emphasis on structural and situational determinants of state behavior. This is not very convincing. What if the United States and Japan end their security alliance? Or what if China becomes much more expansionist? Will these scenarios be completely irrelevant to how Japan defines its security "norms?"
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A major new work on post-World War II Japan shows how the victorious Allies changed a conservative society unused to defeat and social transformation.
Western thinkers assume that the rise of East Asian powers will inevitably result in conflict and that these nations will become more like Western societies. Neither is likely. East Asia's nations have emerged from colonial obscurity to center stage. They will not succumb to ruinous wars. The difficulty that Western minds face in grasping the ascent of East Asia comes from the unprecedented nature of this phenomenon: a fusion of Western and East Asian cultures in the Asia-pacific region.
No, it is not a silly question -- merely one that is not asked often enough. Odd as it may seem, the country that is home to a fifth of humankind is consistently overrated as an economy, a world power, and a source of ideas. Economically, China is a relatively unimportant small market; militarily, it is less a global rival like the Soviet Union than a regional menace like Iraq; and politically, its influence is puny. The Middle Kingdom is a middle power. China matters far less than it and most of the West think, and it is high time the West began treating it as such.

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