The Dawn of Peace in Europe
The theme of this clearly and convincingly argued book is that, however disorderly the rest of the world may be, "there was, and is, a new security order in Europe," which represents "the dawn of peace" there -- even if it cannot do much about internal violence. With the end of the Soviet empire, the return of democracy -- albeit fragile -- in Eastern Europe, and the military balance that prevails on the continent thanks to the "treaty-imposed restraints" that all European states have accepted, an almost unprecedented common security order is now in place. NATO plays a major role in this order but would jeopardize the "best of all possible worlds" by "either the contraction or the expansion of its membership." The strength of the argument lies not only in Mandelbaum's skillful demonstration of it, but also in his careful analysis of the agreements negotiated in the 1980s and 1990s and the way they have contributed to NATO's "defense dominance." Mandelbaum's critique of NATO expansion remains as trenchant and sensible as it was when he presented it last year. As for Russia, he argues, rightly, that its future will largely be determined by internal developments, but adds that a continuing American military engagement in NATO will play an important role in preventing Russia from becoming a source of European instability once again.
Related
The history of the Atlantic Alliance is a history of crises. But we must distinguish between the routine difficulties engendered by Western Europe's dependence on the United States for its security, as well as by the economic interdependence of the allies, and major breakdowns or misunderstandings which reveal not simply an inevitable divergence of interests but dramatically different views of the world and priorities. At the present time, complaints from West European leaders about the effects of high American interest rates on their economies, or about President Reagan's skeptical approach to North-South economic issues, belong in the first category. The current controversy in Europe over nuclear weapons belongs in the second, and now confronts the Alliance with one of its most dangerous tests.
It was the third week in August 1968 and the North Atlantic allies were relaxing on their beaches, in their mountains and in their chancelleries too. There was plenty to relax about, for 1968 had started as a big year for détente in Europe. The East-West exchange in political leaders was at an all-time high; a Western leader who had not recently been in Poland or Rumania was hardly alive politically unless he was home preparing to receive his opposite number from Hungary or Bulgaria. The Mayor of Moscow was in The Hague; the Red Army Choir was about to entertain in the concert halls of England; the University of Minnesota Band was practicing for its trip to the Soviet Union. The John F. Kennedy Airport was braced for the second ceremonial Aeroflot flight, part of the new nonstop service between Moscow and New York. In Moscow, carpenters were hammering together a big Italian trade fair. And in Washington, the White House was working hard on the possibility of talks with the Soviet Union about strategic nuclear missile and anti-missile systems.
In the light of the anticipated INF agreement the question is whether confrontation is entering a genuine phase of de-escalation or merely a tactical one. Most NATO commanders agree that a surprise attack by conventional Soviet forces is improbable. NATO should develop a plan for exploiting the potential for reductions in conventional weapons and make a serious effort to achieve an agreement. There may be room for trade-offs in economic credits and managerial skills for large-scale Soviet force reductions.

Sign-up for free weekly updates from ForeignAffairs.com.