The Coming Russian Boom: A Guide to New Markets and Politics
The title certainly captures one's attention. The authors, one a well-regarded economist at the London School of Economics, the other an experienced correspondent for the Economist, begin by asking whether Russia is in a historical and cultural world of its own that prejudices its chances of establishing democracy and a modern market economy. They emphatically say no, and then turn to 11 other questions, such as, why did communism fail? Can Russia beat the mafia? Will Russia break up? The answers come in clear, economical form, but on the broadest questions simplicity becomes superficiality. Why, given all their contemporary misery, have the Russian people not revolted? Because most have dachas to divert them in the summer and the cold to deter them in the winter.
When they turn to economic matters, however, the authors are more incisive. Because Layard participated in the reform, it comes as no surprise that they believe Gaidar's program was basically correct. Mistakes were made, but not those usually claimed, and some of the blame belongs to the West, particularly the United States for not having done enough early on. Still, Russia starts with enormous advantages -- a highly educated population, vast natural wealth, and a potentially rich agriculture -- that are about to kick in. The case at this point is rather an act of faith, but, as these authors show, scarcely so reckless as some might think.
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Ukraine has yet to solve the challenge of life after communism. Hyperinflation is just a memory and democracy is well entrenched, but production is declining, state industries remain unsold, and investors have largely stayed away. With nationalists ascendant in Russia, Ukraine needs Western money and diplomatic backing to preserve its independence and keep reform on track. A free, democratic Ukraine can serve as a model for Russia, prevent a new Soviet Union, and promote stability among its neighbors. A civil war between its Russified east and its more Ukrainian west, or its absorption into a new Russian empire, would reverberate throughout Europe.
Russia's era of romantic democracy is over. Boris Yeltsin's victory in the 1996 elections marked the rise of a new class of oligarchs who have profited from post-Cold War chaos. But Westerners who predict a return to authoritarianism and cultural stagnation overlook how far Russia has come since the late 1980s, and how it has opened to the world. It is not the Soviet Union, nor the land of the czars. In the short term, most Russians cannot hope for much, especially from their leaders. But with its political reforms, 98 percent privatized economy, and educated, urban population, Russia has a great deal going for it-maybe more than China.
The Caspian basin holds enormous oil and gas deposits that could play a critical role in the world's economic future. But getting them out of the ground and onto the market requires overcoming formidable political and geographic problems. For its own sake as well as the region's, Washington should do whatever is necessary to ensure the emergence of secure and independent routes for Caspian energy to reach the outside world.

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