National Character: A Psycho-Social Perspective
All those who have dealt with societies other than their own are aware that something like national character, a modal personality, links individuals and serves as a context for and constraint on political institutions. Since the 1950s, however, national character has been denigrated in the social sciences due to a lack of clear measurement tools and a history spotted with crude cultural and racial stereotyping. Drawing on the author's earlier work on character development in the Soviet Union and other countries, this book seeks to restore national character to respectability by placing it on a firm methodological footing. It uses psychological and survey data to define German, Soviet, and American national character and relates national character to the development of political institutions like democratic government. Inkeles concludes that there is in fact an empirical basis for saying Germans respect authority and Americans trust one another readily. While the introductory chapter will be rough going for nonspecialists, the book is a healthy sign that the social sciences are moving beyond their parochial disciplinary boundaries and grappling with important, common-sense issues.
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To some degree, biology is destiny. The feminist school of international relations has a point: a truly matriarchal world would be less prone to conflict and more cooperative than the one we now inhabit. And world politics has been gradually feminizing over the past century. But the broader scene will still be populated by states led by men like Mobutu, Milosevic, or Saddam. If tomorrow's troublemakers are armed with nuclear weapons, we might be better off being led by women like Margaret Thatcher than, say, Gro Harlem Brundtland. Masculine policies will still be essential even in a feminized world.
Backing women's rights in developing countries isn't just good ethics; it's also sound economics. Growth and living standards get a dramatic boost when women are given just a bit more education, political clout, and economic opportunity. So the United States should aggressively promote women's rights abroad. And by couching its case in economic terms, it might even overcome the resistance of conservative Muslim countries that have long balked at gender equality.
Since winning elections in 2006, Hamas has demonstrated that it cannot be part of an Israeli-Palestinian peace process, nor part of a Palestinian body politic based on democracy and free elections. But can policymakers deny the group the ability to play the spoiler?

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