Managing Global Chaos: Sources of and Responses to International Conflict
This massive tome represents the collective wisdom of a high-powered group of foreign policy practitioners and scholars, most of whom have been associated with the U.S. Institute of Peace over the past few years. Like other books of this type, it is very difficult to summarize; the richest chapters are probably those discussing the prospects and pitfalls of intervention in regional conflicts and humanitarian relief operations. The chapters by Crocker and Richard Betts serve as good counterpoints, the former arguing for an activist policy of preventive engagement and the latter cautioning about the illusion of "depoliticized" intervention. Henry Kissinger's chapter on the "New World Order" is misnamed: the new order is the same old one of power and politics that Kissinger has spent his life analyzing, only with the great-power deck reshuffled. The quality of the essays is uniformly high, and the edition should be useful in university courses surveying the contemporary international scene.
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The American century, far from being over, is on the way. The information revolution, which capsized the Soviet Union and propelled Japan to eminence, has altered the equation of national power. America leads the world in the new technologies. Its emerging military systems can thwart any threat. On the "soft-power" side, it projects its ideals and other countries follow. To prevent an information race, America must share its lead; to preserve its reputation, it must keep its house in order.
Fidel Castro is not on the way out anytime soon. In fact, he may be the best guarantor of Cuba's peaceful transition to a market-oriented economy and more democratic government. A good analogy is with Spanish autocrat Francisco Franco. Like Franco, Castro allied himself with the losing side in the grand sweep of history, but he has slowly reintegrated his nation with the world by pushing tourism, seeking foreign investment, gradually liberalizing the political system, and expanding civil liberties. Castro has more support in Cuba than many in the West think, and the United States should begin a phaseout of its embargo tied to Cuba's economic and political performance.
Seymour Martin Lipset explains why the United States is exceptional. Michael J. Sandel blames its individualistic tradition for the country's ills and says America should return to the New England town square. But it isn't exceptional, and it shouldn't return.
