France Under the Germans: Collaboration and Compromise
Burrin, a distinguished Swiss historian of fascism and of Vichy France, leaves the Resistance out of this wry and often biting but always objective volume. For some, accommodation was highly self-interested. Many bankers and industrialists saw profits in joint Franco-German schemes (dominated by the Germans) and immediate gains in working for the German war effort. Famous entertainers wanted their work (like Klaus Mann's Mephisto) to remain on the screen or on the stage. For others, such as Marc Bloch's friend Lucien Febvre, who accepted censorship so that Les Annales could continue to be published, accommodation was a way of not giving up, of not leaving the field to pro-Nazi publications. Burrin -- having excluded the heroes -- gives us a gallery of rogues, brutes, easily flattered egos, shortsighted calculators, cowards, and ordinary people doing their best to survive while hoping for liberation. No book does a better job of demolishing -- implicitly -- both the myth of national bravery and the countermyth of collective villainy. Pettiness, stupidity, and various forms of stoicism and daily courage prevailed. The "notables" and intellectuals were certainly not better and sometimes worse than the other French men and women observed here.
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On August 2, 1914, a young officer burst into the office of General Lyautey in Rabat to inform him that hostilities had just broken out between France and Germany. Lyautey, who had spent the greater part of his career in Asia and in Africa and had acquired the habit of looking at problems not on the scale of a general staff map but on the scale of a world map, stopped to think, then lifted his eyes and said slowly: "They are crazy; it is a civil war." The young officer closed the door behind him without understanding. For him, as for most men of his time, the history of the twentieth century, like that of the nineteenth, could only be written by the European peoples; their strife, however tragic the consequences, was thus in the nature of things.
The two world wars are the mountain ranges that dominate the historical landscape of the twentieth century. We still live in their shadows, in America as well as in Europe. Only with these wars did European and American history begin to coincide. The revolutions of 1820, 1830, 1848 and the wars leading to the unification of Italy and Germany marked the nineteenth century in European history, while the major events in American history were the westward movement, the Civil War and mass immigration. These events had certain transatlantic connections, yet not decisive ones. But in the twentieth century the two world wars have been the main events in the history of Europe and America as well.
In a major address on July 4, 1962, the President called for a partnership between the United States and Europe. With the passage of the Trade Bill this "great design" seems to have come a step closer. To many, the Atlantic Community beckons as the great hope of the 1960s. The possibility of establishing a vital Atlantic system is indeed one of the great opportunities of our time. It may well be that to future historians it will appear the distinctive feature of our decade, far transcending in importance the crises which form the headlines of the day.

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