East Asian Security: An International Security Reader
This volume is an attractively priced collection of essays on East Asian security, all of which originally appeared in International Security. Many have already been frequently cited in the rapidly growing literature on East Asia. Some, such as those by Richard Betts and Aaron Friedberg, explore the overall prospects for war, peace, and stability in East Asia. Others, such as the chapter by Desmond Ball, present a comprehensive view of the arms buildup in the region. Still others discuss aspects of Chinese and Japanese security and foreign policies. There is, for example, a very informative review of Chinese perspectives on nuclear arms control by Banning N. Garrett and Bonnie S. Glaser. And Thomas U. Berger contributes an especially valuable discussion of Japanese security policy explaining why it is highly unlikely that Japan will set out to become a military superpower. The volume should be especially useful in courses dealing with East Asian security issues.
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The Clinton administration's new coziness with China has left India feeling insecure, Taiwan betrayed, and Japan ignored.
The provisions of the Japanese Constitution barring the resort to war as an instrument of Japanese policy, and effectively committing Japan not to maintain armed forces on a major scale, has long raised the question how Japan's security is to be assured in a world still replete with sources of international conflict. As late as 1948 it was still General MacArthur's view, if the writer of these lines understood him correctly, that it would not be essential for the United States to maintain armed forces on the Japanese archipelago permanently or for a protracted time either for its own security or for that of Japan; in his view, the most suitable status for Japan would be one of permanent demilitarization and neutralization under such general protection as might be afforded by the United Nations and by the friendly interest of the United States. He appeared to believe, as did this writer, that if such a status could be arranged with the concurrence of the Soviet Government, the likelihood of a Soviet attack on Japan would be minimal; and it was not easy to see from what other quarter Japan could be seriously threatened. This concept assumed, of course, an eventual agreement between the Soviet Union, the United States and other interested parties, on the terms of a Japanese peace settlement.
The Clinton administration inherits strained bilateral relations with the leading powers of Asia and no coherent policy for the Asia/Pacific region as a whole. Trade, security and diplomatic style are the overarching challenges--and on all three counts prominent Asians are worried. They fear a president bent on building trade walls, bringing home American troops and lecturing on human rights. Yet respect for the United States remains instinctive throughout the region, particularly given convincing progress in rejuvenating the American economy. Asia's quest for economic growth and more democratic government awaits leadership from Washington.

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