The Culture of National Security: Norms and Identity in World Politics
Since the collapse of the Soviet Union, students of international politics have been trying to come to terms with the fact that existing analytical tools had left them totally unprepared. The dominant Cold War framework, realism, proved woefully inadequate to the task of understanding how a great power like the Soviet Union could suddenly reinterpret its own national security interests, shortly before dissolving into a myriad of unanticipated new national identities.
This volume draws on the work of mostly younger scholars who have abandoned the realist model in favor of a richer view that draws on concepts from sociology and cultural studies like norms and identity. Alastair Johnston's chapter, for example, argues that while China followed realist precepts in foreign policy, it did so not because realism is a universal mode of state behavior, but because it arose out of Chinese cultural and historical experience. Other chapters look at the development of international norms in areas like human rights and chemical weapons proliferation.
The broadening of realism to take account of social and cultural factors in the shaping of security policy is to be welcomed. The authors of this collection have largely avoided the pitfall of abandoning power politics altogether as a framework in favor of cultural studies.
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To some degree, biology is destiny. The feminist school of international relations has a point: a truly matriarchal world would be less prone to conflict and more cooperative than the one we now inhabit. And world politics has been gradually feminizing over the past century. But the broader scene will still be populated by states led by men like Mobutu, Milosevic, or Saddam. If tomorrow's troublemakers are armed with nuclear weapons, we might be better off being led by women like Margaret Thatcher than, say, Gro Harlem Brundtland. Masculine policies will still be essential even in a feminized world.
Both in public and underground, Iranians are debating the legitimacy of the Islamic state that Khomeini built. Students challenge the notion that Islam has all the answers but evince pride in an Iran free of the shah and under no foreign master. The religious and secular elites are increasingly willing to contemplate pluralism and openness to the world, though most makers of the revolution remain obdurate and appeal to anti-Americanism to stir up the masses. Washington needs to listen to the new voices of Iran.
The British election on May 6 is not just business as usual. It will reconfigure British domestic politics and foreign policy.

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