FDR and the Creation of the U.N.
An instructive and briskly written account of the formation, under Franklin Roosevelt's tutelage, of the United Nations. A concluding chapter brings the story up to the present and argues for the heightened relevance of the U.N. system in addressing the manifold problems of the post-Cold War world. The authors, both distinguished historians, have turned over every scrap of evidence to understand the intentions of the Sphinx, making this book one of the best short introductions to the subject; but they are too charitable in treating the baffling contradictions and mistaken assumptions that FDR and his team bequeathed to their immediate successors. The indefensible subordination of political to military objectives in war; the public denunciation of spheres of influence (as Roosevelt was privately recognizing them); the profound inattention to the means by which the West might be given coherent organization after the war; the concomitant miseducation of the American public -- all this must yield, in this reviewer's judgment, a less favorable verdict: that FDR's realism was often unrealistic and that his idealism was often focused on the wrong ideals.
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New Zealand's decision to exclude nuclear weapons from its territory, and the American response to that decision, have raised serious questions about the character and management of the ANZUS (Australia-New Zealand-United States) alliance and the security of the South Pacific.
In many areas, transatlantic cooperation is stronger than ever before. Yet the common perception is of an increasingly fraught relationship, as evidenced by the well-known disputes over beef, bananas, and burden sharing. Assumptions are diverging over security risks and cultural values. Each side criticizes the other's unwieldy policymaking process without admitting its own shortcomings, while leaders pander to domestic interests and prejudices without educating voters on international issues. Europe nonetheless remains indispensable to a multilateral U.S. foreign policy. The Bush administration must acknowledge the European Union as a true partner, in political and military matters as well as in economics. America cannot expect its allies to share the burdens of global leadership without allowing them their say in the issues at stake.
America now faces the prospect of economic conflicts with both Europe and East Asia. The United States and the European Union have already fired the first shots of retaliatory sanctions over their ever-growing trade disputes. On the other side of the world, meanwhile, Asian countries are creating a bloc of their own that could include preferential trade arrangements and an Asian Monetary Fund. These developments could produce a tripolar world and hamper global economic integration. To avert this outcome, the United States must quell its domestic backlash against globalization and reassert its economic leadership in the world. The new Bush administration should make multilateral trade liberalization a top priority -- or it will face unpleasant economic and political consequences as the U.S. and foreign economies slow.
