Greater China and U.S. Foreign Policy: The Choice Between Confrontation and Mutual Respect
A prominent group of American China specialists warns against a "containment" policy toward China. The American public is unwilling to bear the burden of a strong foreign policy. China has the capacity to inflict considerable harm on a variety of U.S. national interests. And "given some hopeful tendencies today alive in China," engagement could encourage China's leaders to "follow the international norms" of "the United States and its allies." Metzger, a widely respected China historian, argues that "perestroika" (economic and social reform) should be given priority over "glasnost" (political freedom). An impressive social science literature shows that there are "social requisites of democracy" such as levels of per capita income, urbanization, and literacy, and that, "pressing for immediate democratization is not . . . the most effective way to democratize in all cases." Moreover, in some cases nondemocratic, authoritarian rule may be morally justified to maintain stability. And the "Chinese democracy movement" does not criticize the PRC government in a balanced way, has not developed a practical alternative to the present regime, and is highly utopian -- as is evident from its failure to appreciate the importance of the Taiwan experience.
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Critics of the Clinton administration's engagement policy toward China are largely unaware of the last two decades' profound political changes in the Middle Kingdom. Deng Xiaoping received his due for his economic reforms, but not for the kinder, gentler politics that helped reduce elite backstabbing, broaden the backgrounds and outlook of government officials, strengthen the legislature, and improve the legal system. But even if the pace picks up, Washington should not expect a rapid expansion of democratic participation.
China's reform policies have created economic opportunities, but they have also unleashed political tensions. Some U.S. strategists advocate a containment strategy, yet such a strategy is both undesirable and infeasible. America's fortunes in Asia depend on the evolution of a China that is secure, cohesive, reform-oriented, and open to the world. Failed reform could easily lead to a nationalistic, obstructionist China. In recent years, Washington, while trying to engage the People's Republic, has driven it into a corner over human rights. America must develop a long-term strategy to integrate China into the world community and avert serious damage to this crucial bilateral relationship. And it must begin to do so now.

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