The Great Wall and the Empty Fortress: China's Search for Security
This volume argues that in its ability to project power, China remains by far the weakest of the four great powers in Asia. Also, the PRC's security remains hostage to the behavior of potential adversaries and unreliable neighbors, such as the two Koreas and Vietnam. These considerations give China a strong stake in maintaining regional stability and developing cooperative relations with its great power rivals. The book concludes with three recommendations. First, America needs to maintain current deployments in Asia in order to prevent destabilizing changes in the regional balance of power. Second, China's integration into the international order requires an effective management of conflicts of interest. Third, China should be brought into a variety of multilateral institutions. Its final words are worth repeating: Western policymakers can accommodate China when they should, persuade China when they can, and resist China when they must. The book should be widely used in courses on international relations, American foreign policy, and Asian security.
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One of the great "ifs" and harsh ironies of history hangs on the fact that in January 1945, four and a half years before they achieved national power in China, Mao Tse-tung and Chou En-lai, in an effort to establish a working relationship with the United States, offered to come to Washington to talk in person with President Roosevelt. What became of the offer has been a mystery until, with the declassification of new material, we now know for the first time that the United States made no response to the overture. Twenty-seven years, two wars and x million lives later, after immeasurable harm wrought by the mutual suspicion and phobia of two great powers not on speaking terms, an American president, reversing the unmade journey of 1945, has traveled to Peking to treat with the same two Chinese leaders. Might the interim have been otherwise?
The great hurrahs of the Cultural Revolution, the slogans, the messianic fervor, the public humiliation of the heretics are all gone. A visitor to Peking is impressed by nothing so much as by the return to normalcy, by pragmatism and-if one could imagine it in a Spartan land-a feeling of relaxation. Indeed, one might easily think that there had never been the awesome upheaval of 1966-69 "to change men's souls." Human frailty is once again understood, and there is at least an implied recognition that man does not live by faith alone.
Americans often think China's leadership is split between hard-liners and moderates. It is not. The sooner Washington understands that Beijing is unified, the better.

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