Living With China: U.S.-China Relations in the Twenty-First Century
If there is one indispensable insight that appears throughout the volume, it is that, although the challenges posed by China are great, the United States' opportunity to gain Chinese cooperation on a number of important issues is equally great. As Douglas H. Paal, former special assistant to President Bush, puts it: "China will likely be at most a source of 'problems' for America, not a 'threat.' And problems can be fixed." Or, as the final report puts it: "Some Americans believe that China's policies across the board run counter to U.S. interests and that efforts to moderate Chinese behavior by cooperation will be unproductive. This Assembly rejects this view . . ." As Paal and others point out, historical perspective supports this optimism. For example, China is now an active trade and economic partner, and it has long since ceased aiding pro-Chinese insurgencies in Southeast Asia. Many Chinese would argue that the last two decades have seen marked progress in their promotion of human rights. China has joined many international organizations and conventions, has exercised only two vetoes in the Security Council since 1972, and has ratified the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty. If you want a convincing response to Bernstein's and Munro's The Coming Conflict with China, you need look no further.
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One of the great "ifs" and harsh ironies of history hangs on the fact that in January 1945, four and a half years before they achieved national power in China, Mao Tse-tung and Chou En-lai, in an effort to establish a working relationship with the United States, offered to come to Washington to talk in person with President Roosevelt. What became of the offer has been a mystery until, with the declassification of new material, we now know for the first time that the United States made no response to the overture. Twenty-seven years, two wars and x million lives later, after immeasurable harm wrought by the mutual suspicion and phobia of two great powers not on speaking terms, an American president, reversing the unmade journey of 1945, has traveled to Peking to treat with the same two Chinese leaders. Might the interim have been otherwise?
The great hurrahs of the Cultural Revolution, the slogans, the messianic fervor, the public humiliation of the heretics are all gone. A visitor to Peking is impressed by nothing so much as by the return to normalcy, by pragmatism and-if one could imagine it in a Spartan land-a feeling of relaxation. Indeed, one might easily think that there had never been the awesome upheaval of 1966-69 "to change men's souls." Human frailty is once again understood, and there is at least an implied recognition that man does not live by faith alone.
Americans often think China's leadership is split between hard-liners and moderates. It is not. The sooner Washington understands that Beijing is unified, the better.

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