Union Now: A Proposal for a Federal Union of the Democracies of the North Atlantic
Let us conclude, idiosyncratically, with a dreamer and visionary often dismissed, when remembered at all, as an eccentric. The inveterate propagandist of Atlantic union, Streit was undoubtedly wrong in thinking that a common government uniting the Atlantic democracies modeled on the federal Constitution of 1787 was either possible or desirable. But he was right in insisting in this best-selling work -- which went through several editions and variations in the 1940s -- that the challenge for American foreign policy was to lead in the construction of a federative system linking the Western democracies, that the division among the democracies had been a catastrophic blunder, and that Americans needed to see their contemporary purpose in the world in relation to the vital precedents and lessons of America's own experience in federal union. Streit applied the analogy literally, which led him astray, but he stated the problem correctly: How to ensure the effective cooperation of the democracies without a common government? How, in the face of the rancors and divisive forces inherent in confederacies, to share the burden equitably? What institutions and vows are necessary to give effect to common purposes without surrendering the autonomy and individuality promised by the federal bargain?
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The West has triumphed over its adversaries, but all is not well in the realm. Its voters are unhappy, its politics adrift. Now is not the time to pursue ambitious plans that would simultaneously deepen and broaden existing institutions. The West must lock in and eventually extend the greatest achievement of the past century: the creation of a community of democratic states among which war is unthinkable. The mechanism would be a transatlantic union committed to a single market and collective security.
Antony Blinken has missed a fundamental transformation at work. America and Europe may still share values and interests, but Europe and the world have changed profoundly since the Cold War. The transatlantic relationship must change, too.
In "Saving NATO From Europe," (November/December 2004), Jeffrey L. Cimbalo warns that a dagger is pointed at the heart of the Atlantic alliance, and the murder weapon is the European Union's draft constitution. Ratification of that document, Cimbalo asserts, would have "profound and troubling implications for the transatlantic alliance and for future U.S. influence in Europe." Washington, he believes, should "end its uncritical support for European integration" and work with its friends in Europe to halt the EU process and save NATO from an untimely death.
