The Religion of China: Confucianism and Taoism; The Religion of India: The Sociology of Hinduism and Buddhism
In these two volumes the greatest social scientist of the twentieth century anticipated by several decades important problems that came to preoccupy the globe after World War II. Why have some countries failed to modernize rapidly or at all? What are the consequences of the major religions of the world for economic activity? What was unique about the West? Weber was the intellectual godfather of the literature on "modernization" that has shed enormous light on social, economic, and political evolution in Asia and in other parts of the non-Western world. He isolated religious institutions and the key social strata that mediate them to the wider society as crucial variables. They shape social-psychological orientations to the practical concerns of life and help determine receptivity or resistance to industrialization. Weber did more than anticipate the literature on modernization. His work on China and India still stands as rare examples of an attempt to characterize Chinese and Indian societies and their dominant value systems systematically.
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After 28 years of reform, China now faces accelerating challenges of an unprecedented scale. Of these, none is more critical -- or more daunting -- than nurturing a new generation of leaders who are skilled, honest, committed to public service, and accountable. Without them, Beijing's public promises of a prosperous, democratic future will go unfulfilled.
Realist international relations theorists usually would predict that the basic pressures of the international system will force the United States and China into conflict. But properly understood, realism offers grounds for optimism in this case, so long as Washington can avoid exaggerating the risks posed by China's growing power.
The Dalai Lama's international campaign against China has pushed Beijing to modernize Tibet, resulting in an influx of non-Tibetans seeking economic opportunity. If the Dalai Lama wants to preserve Tibet as a homeland, he must either acquiesce in violence by militants or compromise. He will resist either course, so the United States should facilitate negotiations. Full autonomy is out, but the Dalai Lama can obtain a greater emphasis on the Tibetan language and a larger number of positions for Tibetans in the administration.

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