After Imperialism: The Search for a New Order in the Far East
This careful study provides a convincing account of the changes in East Asian international relations from the time of the Washington Conference in 1921-22 to the Manchurian crisis of 1931. Iriye's main theme -- especially relevant to the post-Cold War era -- is that the turbulent decade of the 1930s was a result of the failure of the major powers of the day to develop a stable framework for international relations after World War I. Before that conflict, the imperial powers tried to maintain an equilibrium by means of alliances, ententes, and agreements designed to affirm their mutual spheres of influence and harmonize their interests. But the Great War undermined the old order, and the Washington Conference failed to reconcile the competing interests of the major powers. Germany and Russia were not even signatories of the Washington treaties and the Washington powers were hesitant to accord full sovereign status to China. Moreover, the great powers were all pursuing unilateral actions in China that were mutually irreconcilable. The lasting strength of Iriye's analysis stems from the fact that he grapples with the whole of international relations in East Asia although his focus is on Japan.
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For a nation whose founding is lost in the mists of antiquity, Japan is in many respects a very new country. Last year we celebrated the hundredth anniversary of the Meiji Restoration, which marked our entry into the modern world. This year the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, which I am honored to head, observed its centennial. By contrast, the United States, which is in every respect a young nation, possesses a number of institutions that are far older than many of Japan's. The Department of State, for example, is only a dozen years short of its bicentennial, and Harvard University, with its 333-year old history, is more than three times the age of my own alma mater, Tokyo University, now in its ninety-second year.
Is China democratizing? The country's leaders do not think of democracy as people in the West generally do, but they are increasingly backing local elections, judicial independence, and oversight of Chinese Communist Party officials. How far China's liberalization will ultimately go and what Chinese politics will look like when it stops are open questions.
The West is not welcoming Asia's progress, and its short-term interests in preserving its privileged position in various global institutions are trumping its long-term interests in creating a more just and stable world order. The West has gone from being the world's problem solver to being its single biggest liability.

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