A Time for War: The United States and Vietnam, 1941-1975
A finely drawn portrait of the American involvement in Vietnam. Schulzinger, a historian at the University of Colorado, writes deftly of virtually every facet of the war. He is equally at home in examining the dilemmas of U.S. military strategy as in assessing the impact of the war on American society. Apart from a mean-spirited analysis of Nixon and Kissinger (toward whom contemporary historians are far less forgiving than they are toward Lyndon Johnson), the author treats with sympathetic understanding the outlook of all parties to the conflict. Unlike many other professional historians, the author is unafraid of venturing onto the counterfactual terrain where causation is dissected and weighed. Though he considers as deeply flawed the big unit war of attrition fought by Westmoreland, he shows why the principal alternative -- a small unit war of posts -- would also have meant fighting on terms dictated by the enemy. Here, as elsewhere, Schulzinger demonstrates how the two sides' differing conceptions of time (and capacity for endurance) are of crucial significance in explaining how the war was fought and why it was lost. An annoyingly large number of typographical errors constitutes an unfortunate blemish on an otherwise exemplary work -- one of the best general studies of the war in all its dimensions.
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The debate over Laos, almost as intense if not as bitter as the Vietnam debate, has done more than clarify the nature of the American involvement in that patchwork kingdom which has played a secondary but significant role in the Vietnam war while also engaging in its own struggle to survive as a unitary nation. The Senate's dual actions in prohibiting the use of ground combat troops in both Laos and Thailand, and in curbing the right of the President to make a "national commitment" to any country without prior Congressional approval, have temporarily satisfied the common determination to avoid "another Vietnam." But the fundamental problem of how American policy should be made and conducted in Southeast Asia has only begun to be reëxamined.
The United States has done much to enable China's recent growth, but it has also sent mixed signals that have unnerved Beijing. More consistent engagement is in order, because the course of the twenty-first century will be determined by the relationship between the world's greatest power and the world's greatest emerging power.
No country can affect China's fortunes more directly than the United States. Many potential flashpoints -- such as Taiwan, Japan, and North Korea -- remain, and true friendship between Washington and Beijing is unlikely. But their interests have grown so intertwined that cooperation is the best way to serve both countries.

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