China Briefing: The Contradictions of Change
For sound analyses of recent developments in China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan by recognized specialists, this biennial review has always ranked highly. One of the jewels in this volume is an essay by Minxin Pei at Princeton. He defines the central dilemma of the Chinese political system as, on one hand, a "governability crisis" caused by the declining capacity of the Chinese Communist Party and other existing institutions to govern China, and on the other hand, evidence of institutional renewal that raises hopes for an evolutionary process of change. The crisis of governability includes a public security apparatus that is a "disaster area" of official corruption, a rapid rise in crime, increasing banditry and armed robbery, and underinvestment in rural infrastructure. The signs of institutional renewal include the growing autonomy of the National People's Congress, the emergence of the People's Congress and local government bodies as potential counterweights to the power of the Communist Party, the beginnings of the rule of law, and the emergence of self-government, with relatively free elections in large areas of rural China. The author concludes that China may yet make a gradual transition to a "soft-authoritarian system based on a market economy."
Related
Bruce Gilley ("In China's Own Eyes," September/October 2005) is correct that my biography, The Man Who Changed China: The Life and Legacy of Jiang Zemin, portrays Jiang as he might see himself. My intention (as stated in the book itself, on pages 691-92) was to move beyond all the hype and bias about China so as to understand how Chinese leaders think.
But Gilley's review is weighted with conspiracy theory. He asserts that "Jiang chose Kuhn," "a secret state propaganda team oversaw the writing of the book," and that I had a "Chinese collaborator."
The truth is almost the reverse.
Critics of the Clinton administration's engagement policy toward China are largely unaware of the last two decades' profound political changes in the Middle Kingdom. Deng Xiaoping received his due for his economic reforms, but not for the kinder, gentler politics that helped reduce elite backstabbing, broaden the backgrounds and outlook of government officials, strengthen the legislature, and improve the legal system. But even if the pace picks up, Washington should not expect a rapid expansion of democratic participation.
Over the past decade, China's leaders have pursued rapid economic reform while stifling political change. The result today is a rigid state that is unable to cope with an increasingly organized, complex, and robust society. China's next generation of leaders, set to take office in 2002-3, will likely respond to this dilemma by accelerating political reform -- unless a new cold war with the United States intervenes.

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