The Taiwan-China Connection: Democracy and Development Across the Taiwan Straits
This illuminating study of the Taiwan-China relationship advances a number of intriguing and closely related propositions. First, there has been rapid growth since 1987 in Taiwanese trade and investment in the PRC. Second, although the Taiwanese state, led by the Kuomintang, has tried hard to cool down the "mainland fever" in the Taiwanese business community, the fact is that Taiwan's economic development is more and more dependent on the China market. Third, because of the shifting balance of power between state and society -- including an increasingly powerful business community and middle class -- the Taiwanese state has been only partially successful in curbing and regulating this trade and investment. Finally, all this combines to give the PRC better leverage to manipulate Taiwan's economy for political ends.
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Can Mao or the inheritors of Mao's authority entertain the possibility of some "separateness" for any Chinese within his egalitarian One China world? The answer to this question will influence Peking's attitudes toward peaceful coexistence with Taipei, intellectual and cultural diversities at home, and possibilities for future organization of China's economic system.
The defense of Taiwan remains at the heart of the issue of China. The recent initiatives of Peking and Washington, and the impending presidential visit, have inspired hopeful speculation. Discussion has centered on formulas for recognition and entry into the United Nations. Our alliance with the Republic of China on Taiwan has been given less consideration, and its implications are optimistically avoided. But our security relationship with Taiwan-in particular the Mutual Defense Treaty of 1954-dictates certain diplomatic solutions and precludes others. Definitive choices will have to be made, and illusions of entertaining contradictory positions will have to be abandoned. If the consequences of our defense arrangement are not grasped, and the problems not deliberately resolved, the expectations that have been aroused may be unfulfilled, and the United States may proceed to underwrite a new order in East Asia that offers at best a tense military equilibrium and perpetual American involvement in the political evolution of the region.
China's saber-rattling over its "renegade province" ignores Taiwan's decades of democracy. If Beijing wants one China, it should conciliate, not intimidate.

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