The Hitler of History
This thought-provoking, probing, and often provocative book is not a biography but a discussion of biographies and memoirs and an attempt to address many of the mysteries or questions about Hitler. Lukacs shows that he was both reactionary and revolutionary -- a revolutionary populist, moved by hatred, in a democratic age. He states that Hitler was much more a nationalist than a racist and produces some startling quotations asserting that "there is no such thing as the Jewish race," and that "the German Volk contained several races." His chapter on the Jews, however, adds little to the huge literature. Lukacs deems Hitler's qualities as a statesman insufficiently studied and offers a defense of many of Hitler's strategic decisions in World War II, when, he believes, Hitler adopted a "Frederician" strategy -- that is, inspired by Frederick the Great, and focused on winning by defeating one of the main enemy's powers. This leaves out some of the irrational policies that contributed to Germany's defeat, such as the treatment of the populations of occupied Ukraine. As for the Germans, he emphasizes their support of and affection for Hitler, if not for the Nazis.
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The history of the Atlantic Alliance is a history of crises. But we must distinguish between the routine difficulties engendered by Western Europe's dependence on the United States for its security, as well as by the economic interdependence of the allies, and major breakdowns or misunderstandings which reveal not simply an inevitable divergence of interests but dramatically different views of the world and priorities. At the present time, complaints from West European leaders about the effects of high American interest rates on their economies, or about President Reagan's skeptical approach to North-South economic issues, belong in the first category. The current controversy in Europe over nuclear weapons belongs in the second, and now confronts the Alliance with one of its most dangerous tests.
Not much attention was paid in March 1985, when the European Council, whose members include the chiefs of state and government of the 12 member states, decided that it should constitute a single market by 1992. After all, the European Community had been established in 1957 with the goal of a common market, and many people believed that the goal had been reached; tariffs within the Community had been abolished, a common external tariff put in place and a controversial common agricultural policy instituted.

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