The Pity of War
This massive investigation into World War I is not just another eloquent indictment of a tragedy that killed millions, destroyed Europe's international status, and opened the way to an even more horrible war. British historian Ferguson has written a multipronged revisionist onslaught that pins most of the blame on Britain's support of France. Had Britain remained neutral and left the war limited to the continent, Germany would probably have won and established an acceptable hegemony over Europe -- thus making Hitler unnecessary. In making his case, Ferguson argues that in 1914 Germany was less militaristic than France and that its war aims were initially quite limited. His other iconoclastic contentions: Britain came out of the war worse off than Germany, the reparations imposed on Germany were tolerable, and the Weimar Republic should have practiced mild deflation and currency stabilization instead of allowing wild inflation. Such large-scale rewriting of history is as irritating as it is daring. But to his credit, Ferguson offers a searching discussion of how the war was waged and why soldiers kept on fighting despite the atrocious conditions. He gloomily concludes that many experienced a thrill from the danger; some even took pleasure from killing. In showing how the war conditioned men to accept violence, Ferguson is, alas, back on familiar and solid ground.
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Tony Judt is right to have doubts about the future of European union, but his jeremiad lacks an eye for detail.
The history of the Atlantic Alliance is a history of crises. But we must distinguish between the routine difficulties engendered by Western Europe's dependence on the United States for its security, as well as by the economic interdependence of the allies, and major breakdowns or misunderstandings which reveal not simply an inevitable divergence of interests but dramatically different views of the world and priorities. At the present time, complaints from West European leaders about the effects of high American interest rates on their economies, or about President Reagan's skeptical approach to North-South economic issues, belong in the first category. The current controversy in Europe over nuclear weapons belongs in the second, and now confronts the Alliance with one of its most dangerous tests.
Not much attention was paid in March 1985, when the European Council, whose members include the chiefs of state and government of the 12 member states, decided that it should constitute a single market by 1992. After all, the European Community had been established in 1957 with the goal of a common market, and many people believed that the goal had been reached; tariffs within the Community had been abolished, a common external tariff put in place and a controversial common agricultural policy instituted.

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