The Saffron Wave: Democracy and Hindu Nationalism in Modern India; Democracy, Development, and the Countryside: Urban-Rural Struggles in India
Is Hindu nationalism about to subvert India's remarkable democracy? Why can't India do a better job of reforming its economy? In tackling these questions, Hansen goes back to the two antidemocratic constraints that have flawed India's secular democracy since independence. First is the exaggerated attachment to a technocratic administrative culture, which has caused Indians far more trouble in the transition to a market economy than the Chinese ever faced. Second is the government pledge to respect all religious communities and the affirmative-action demands of the lower castes. The system worked in the early years because state and local bosses wielded enough authority to accommodate diversity. But after Indira Gandhi split the Congress Party in 1969, the central government had to address India's diversity directly -- which opened the door to religion-based politics and the "saffron wave" of Hindu nationalism. Although Hansen advances a subtle and sophisticated argument, he also muddles his presentation with dense postmodern rhetoric.
Varshney takes a different tack and asks why the Indian countryside has enjoyed such enduring political power, given that cities usually dominate politics in developing nations. He argues that the institutionalization of electoral politics occurred before industrialization, which allowed peasants to learn the power of the ballot from the start. Soon thereafter, bureaucrats and politicians became enmeshed in agricultural policy. Like Hansen, Varshney sees the Congress Party split as seminal in switching the roles of the central and state authorities and in granting further advantages to the rural sector. Yet he also sees the growth of rural power as limited because religious and caste cleavages continue to divide the countryside and inhibit collective action. As a result, he is less concerned over the threat of Hindu nationalism. Time will tell whether identity politics or economic interests will determine the next phase of India's development.
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For some months, 1966 promised to be a year of significant albeit gradual change in American policy toward Communist China. In a strange and paradoxical fashion, the emotional issues of the Viet Nam War opened the way for the most sober, responsible and even-handed public discussion of China since the Communists came to power. At Congressional hearings and in the mass media, scholars and leaders of opinion have dispassionately calculated the possibilities for change, and Administration leaders have in their customarily guarded language intimated that change was not impossible. Most significant of all, the American public demonstrated a gratifying degree of maturity by forgetting the old passions and asking for only facts and analyses about the new China. Our national mood was increasingly one of believing that with prudence and wisdom it would be possible to work toward gradually incorporating China into responsible world relationships.
