From EMU to AMU? The Case for Regional Currencies
The euro is just the beginning. Within a few decades, single-currency zones will dominate international finance -- although East Asia may be the odd zone out.
Zanny Minton Beddoes is the Washington economics correspondent for The Economist.
When tomorrow's historians look back at the recent financial crises and subsequent efforts to reform global finance, they will reach two conclusions. First, the grand rhetoric of creating a new global architecture yielded few concrete results. Second, we failed to foresee the most profound consequence of the turmoil: regional currency unions. By 2030 the world will have two major currency zones -- one European, the other American. The euro will be used from Brest to Bucharest, and the dollar from Alaska to Argentina -- perhaps even in Asia. These regional currencies will form the bedrock of the next century's financial stability.
That claim may seem bold, even outlandish. The concept of regionalism, whether financial, military, or commercial, hardly enjoys an auspicious reputation. Free-trade enthusiasts fret that regional trade arrangements divert more trade than they create. Europe's single market was long portrayed as "Fortress Europe" by outsiders. European aspirations for an independent defense initiative raise some eyebrows in Washington. Japan's proposal to create an Asian monetary fund in 1997 was quickly squashed by the Americans. In each case, opponents fear that regional approaches are exclusionary, protectionist, or destabilizing. But in finance, that prejudice is misplaced. Regional currencies will prove the best route to reconciling the economic imperatives of increasing international capital mobility with the political realities of the nation-state...
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In the summer of 1971, President Nixon and Secretary Connally revolutionized U.S. foreign economic policy. In so doing, they promoted a protectionist trend which raises questions about the future of the U.S. economy at least as fundamental as those raised by the abrupt adoption of wage-price controls. In so doing, they have also encouraged a disastrous isolationist trend which raises questions about the future of U.S. foreign policy at least as fundamental as those raised by the President's essentially positive and decidedly non-isolationist China initiative, Vietnam policy and negotiations with the Soviet Union. Both the U.S. economy and U.S. foreign policy for the relevant future hang in the balance.
The collapse of the euro is no accident; the seeds of the crisis were planted before the monetary union even began, argues a former chair of the Council of Economic Advisers. It never made sense to yoke so many different economies and cultures together—yet they now find themselves trapped in a union that leaves no means of escape.
Most pundits argue the eurozone has only two options: break up or create a fiscal union to match its monetary one. In fact, there's a third, and better, path: adopt tighter market discipline, bailing out illiquid countries while letting truly insolvent ones go bust. The result would be a collection of fitter economies and a Europe strong enough to play a big role on the world stage.

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