The Fall Guy: Washington's Self-Defeating Assault on the U.N.
East Timor and Kosovo highlighted the United Nations' growing importance. So why is Washington marginalizing, bankrupting, and scapegoating the world body?
Michael Hirsh is Diplomatic Correspondent of Newsweek.
For Richard C. Holbrooke, managing U.S.-U.N. relations must feel a bit like taking over as skipper of the Titanic -- after the iceberg. As soon as a truculent Senate finally confirmed him as permanent U.S. representative to the United Nations in August, Holbrooke headed off to the Balkans, where the West has handed the United Nations a peacekeeping migraine. In Kosovo, the province's political future remains utterly unresolved, most of the population wants an independent state that the West will not give, and a still-domineering Kosovo Liberation Army -- despite a September agreement to disband -- loses no opportunity to defy an organization it knows is in disrepute both on Capitol Hill and at the White House.
The real problem for the United Nations is that, after six years of worsening U.S.-U.N. relations and a series of bloody peacekeeping disasters, a skeptical Clinton administration now views Kosovo as a test case for whether the United Nations can ever be trusted with peacekeeping again. "The U.N.'s future in international crises," Holbrooke said, "is going to be determined in very large part by what it achieves in Kosovo." Although for the moment a truce has been declared -- senior Clinton officials have promised U.N. Secretary-General Kofi Annan they will avoid publicly criticizing the U.N. effort -- some in the administration seem to be positioning the United Nations as the fall guy for a probable foreign-policy mess. This, of course, continues a pattern dating back to Clinton's inaugural foreign-policy embarrassment in 1993: Somalia. Matters have only gotten worse since then.
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The United Nations has usurped power from its members, threatening American interests. The time has come to deliver an ultimatum: Either the United Nations reforms quickly and dramatically or the United States will end its participation.
Despite isolationist sentiments at home and resentment from abroad, President Clinton has preserved America's authority as the world's leader. U.S. foreign policy now follows not a single doctrine but a set of strategic objectives drawn from a clear understanding of globalization. Over the last eight years, Clinton has revitalized U.S. alliances, integrated former adversaries into international organizations, negotiated peace (even in areas of marginal security interest), fought nuclear proliferation and deadly diseases, and advanced economic integration while alleviating economic disparities. More tasks remain -- from supporting new democracies to fighting international terrorism to reinventing the U.N. All this cannot be done, however, if the United States continues to underfund its foreign policy and shirk its obligations to international organizations. America should not apologize for being a "hyperpower"; it must preserve its authority as one.
The U.N.'s voluble critics fret that it threatens American sovereignty. In fact, a strengthened U.N. system will both serve America's interests and promote its ideals.
