A European "New Deal" for the Balkans
Peace in the Balkans depends on economic stability and prosperity for all. To overcome the legacies of failed economic reforms and ethnic strife, southeastern Europe needs nothing short of a European "New Deal." Sound money and free trade can take root in the Balkans only if the EU expands the euro and its trade arrangements to the region promptly, with no strings attached. But the EU's current approach, which attaches conditions to membership in its elite clubs, falls far short.
Benn Steil is Senior Fellow at the Council on Foreign Relations. Susan L. Woodward is Senior Research Fellow at the Centre for Defence Studies at King's College, University of London.
GREAT EXPECTATIONS
The NATO campaign in Kosovo has been hailed as a decisive turnaround in Western policy toward southeastern Europe. With Yugoslav security forces out of Kosovo and the inauguration of the European Union's Stability Pact at the Sarajevo summit of July 30, committing the EU to eventual acceptance of the area's states as members, Western publics are being told that the path has been laid for resolving the decade-long crisis in the Balkans. But nothing could be further from the truth.
The basis for long-term stability and non-nationalist politics in southeastern Europe lies in its economies, and here the picture is bleak. Croatia, once celebrated for its macroeconomic reform, is on the brink of a financial nosedive with 20 percent unemployment. The recent enthusiasm for Romanian economic reforms has given way to doomsday scenarios. In Albania and Macedonia, the economic effects of the Kosovo crisis have interrupted serious progress on recovery and reform and now threaten plummeting growth rates and political instability. A sharp decline in foreign aid for Bosnia will hit well before the reforms needed to create jobs are complete. And the great expectations for the EU's Stability Pact remain blocked at the region's center by the apparent durability of Slobodan Milosevic's regime. Without a solid foundation for jobs, growth, and improved social welfare, the region could settle into a stalemate of chaos and Western crisis management for years to come -- as locals already gloomily predict.
Beyond immediate humanitarian relief and reconstruction aid, the international community's current answer to this problem is conditionality: reform yourself, and then we'll talk. Reform is indeed vital. But the origins of the Yugoslav crisis lie in the collapse of reform efforts precipitated by the immediate post-Cold War political, economic, and security vacuum. As long as the West continues to view the crisis in terms of endemic nationalist conflict and ethnic hatred, rather than in terms of its own (remediable) policy failures, progress on reform will not be made.
The Balkans have reached a fork in the road. The political will in Europe and North America to act in Kosovo will not last. The two to three years remaining before Western attention turns elsewhere give little time to provide a framework for reform. An explicit strategy is needed now.
THE LIMITATIONS OF AID
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In Waging Modern War, General Wesley Clark describes how NATO bested Serbia -- just barely -- in the organization's first-ever shooting war. With confused priorities, a reluctant military, and overweening lawyers, the alliance was scarcely up to the task.
Somehow the Americans went from claiming they did not have a dog in the Bosnia fight to redrawing the map of the Balkans over Scotch with the ruthless Slobodan Milosevi,c. But the Dayton Accord that ended Bosnia's war has been oversold. It is the product not of Wilsonian idealism but of a reluctant realpolitik. Had Washington intervened in 1993, as Bill Clinton promised to, 100,000 lives could have been saved. Dayton has strengthened the two nastiest dictators in the region, Serbia's Milosevi,c and Croatia's Franjo Tudjman, and edged toward accepting the de facto partition of Bosnia. The violence in Kosovo today is a reminder of the costs of appeasing aggressors.
The NATO war in Kosovo did not come out of the blue. The alliance fought only after Belgrade turned a deaf ear to diplomacy, and NATO knew the risks it was running. But doing nothing would have been worse; assenting to Slobodan Milosevic's mass killings would have dangerously undermined the credibility of Western institutions.
