Asian Bulge
No, it is not a silly question -- merely one that is not asked often enough. Odd as it may seem, the country that is home to a fifth of humankind is consistently overrated as an economy, a world power, and a source of ideas. Economically, China is a relatively unimportant small market; militarily, it is less a global rival like the Soviet Union than a regional menace like Iraq; and politically, its influence is puny. The Middle Kingdom is a middle power. China matters far less than it and most of the West think, and it is high time the West began treating it as such.
To the Editor:
I do not question Gerald Segal's figures, which show that China is not a superpower ideologically, politically, economically, or militarily. I also agree with Segal that China is a second-rank middle power that wants to appear more powerful. But China matters for a number of reasons. First, China is a non-status quo power, struggling to find its role in a world governed by Western rules. Furthermore, the Chinese have yet to come to terms with their history. The superiority and inferiority complexes developed over the past 150 years led many to experience a victimization syndrome. Finally, the insecure Chinese regime is inclined to boast about itself on the one hand and pass the blame for its failures on the other.
Segal takes the Chinese leadership's theatrical performance too seriously, more so than the Chinese themselves take it. China matters not because it "has mastered the art of diplomatic theater." In fact, many Chinese would argue that, as a whole, the present leadership has a poor diplomatic record when compared with Mao Zedong's show of strength or Zhou Enlai's sophistication. Indeed, the Chinese constantly joke about Jiang's clumsiness and his eagerness to show off.
And yet China matters because whichever way it goes will affect all of us. If China becomes economically aÛuent -- which is still possible despite the last 150 disappointing years -- its buying power will alter the global economic landscape. If China becomes unhappy with the status quo and decides to reclaim Taiwan and the entire South China Sea, the war calamities would be too great to contemplate. But what if China goes down the drain? Should civil war and chaos engulf it, how would the world cope with Chinese refugees? Finally, suppose China simply plods along, neither fast enough to become a superpower nor slow enough to embrace disasters. Will the earth be able to cope with China's environmental problems? The bottom line is not whether China wants to matter. Rather, it is the massive scale of its problems and their potential implications for the world.
MOBO C.F. GAO
Director, Asian Center, University of Tasmania
Related
China is headed in the right direction. Deng's successors cannot achieve his stature, and the more stable and secure China remains, the faster power will devolve to a more liberal generation. As in other Asian nations, economic development will foster political liberalization, as well as a capitalist Hong Kong and an independent Taiwan. Though decentralization is stressful, China does not suffer from the structural weaknesses that undermined the Soviet Union. Corruption and human rights abuses are severe, but citizens can vote in competitive local elections and change jobs as they wish. China should be permitted to continue a liberation unprecedented in history.
China's reform policies have created economic opportunities, but they have also unleashed political tensions. Some U.S. strategists advocate a containment strategy, yet such a strategy is both undesirable and infeasible. America's fortunes in Asia depend on the evolution of a China that is secure, cohesive, reform-oriented, and open to the world. Failed reform could easily lead to a nationalistic, obstructionist China. In recent years, Washington, while trying to engage the People's Republic, has driven it into a corner over human rights. America must develop a long-term strategy to integrate China into the world community and avert serious damage to this crucial bilateral relationship. And it must begin to do so now.
Kenneth Lieberthal's encyclopedic survey of the People's Republic bets the Communist Party can keep the lid on the country's political discontent, but a billion increasingly affluent Chinese may be getting other ideas.
