An Elusive Consensus: Nuclear Weapons and American Security After the Cold War
Nolan still cares about America's nuclear stockpile. Her story starts with dramatic changes in the U.S. arsenal, both negotiated and unilateral, accomplished by the Bush administration. Yet that much-reduced arsenal was still in Cold War readiness for a prompt launch against thousands of Russian targets. Clinton then appointed some of the arsenal's most knowledgeable critics to lead the Defense Department in 1993. As Clinton's second term ends, Nolan concludes that his nuclear policy has been "unfortunately a story of missed opportunities." The president's role in directing nuclear policies has been "negligible," in sharp contrast with Bush's record. In a dry and understated style, Nolan shows how the policy review was smothered and illuminates the debates about the uses of nuclear weapons against "rogue" states. She attends to the arguments on both sides and presents them fairly -- something unusual for this field. In the end, the top Pentagon brass (principally William Perry and John Deutch), like their president, simply had bigger fish to fry. Nolan finds this unfortunate, and her book reminds readers how many troubling issues remain as America tries to devise a truly post-Cold War nuclear posture.
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Heady years for arms control make a superpower complacent. The structure of restraint accepted by Washington and Moscow could crack; meanwhile, proliferation continues apace and nuclear materials trickle onto the world market. The Clinton team has followed through on the work of past negotiators, but it is high time for a third start. The United States should propose the dramatic steps of placing nuclear warheads in "strategic escrow" and banning ballistic missiles. Advanced monitoring and inspection technologies make the plan practicable, and there will be security payoffs for all.
The basic assumptions of U.S. policy toward the Gulf demand rethinking. The Pentagon pays up to $60 billion a year to protect the import of $30 billion worth of oil that would flow anyway. Playing the role of regional hegemon ties America to troubled regimes and leaves it out on a limb, while allies sit back. Washington must hedge against inevitable political change in the region by spreading the burden and the say, reversing arms proliferation, and encouraging the Gulf states to come up with some security of their own.
Sustaining the embargo on Iraq punishes innocent civilians, not Saddam Hussein and his henchmen. Ridiculously, the U.N. Security Council has banned imports of socks, wristwatches, light bulbs, and other militarily useless items. The United States, meanwhile, drags its feet on removing sanctions in the spurious hope of overthrowing Saddam. The sanctions are demoralizing regional allies and costing them billions of dollars. The Clinton administration should treat Iraq as it has treated North Korea and China-with diplomacy instead of crude and ineffective coercion.

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