Reflections on a Ravaged Century
A veteran historian looks back on the great ideological battles of the twentieth century. His familiar but engrossing thesis argues that both communism and fascism stemmed from the dangerous spread of "rogue ideologies" that harnessed military power and totalitarianism for the advancement of utopian ideas. Chapters on Nazism and Soviet communism explore how ideology's romantic appeal in Russia and Germany after World War I extinguished independent political thought and empowered the state. In Conquest's view, Western societies responded weakly to this challenge because intellectuals succumbed to its grand visions and politicians misjudged its potency. Conquest then tries to go further and apply these lessons to the present. He warns that dangers still lurk, even though we may live in a less ideological era. But he does not discuss how ideology applies to other major social forces, such as capitalism and nationalism, and leaves it unclear to the reader how to assess its danger. Nor does he explain how his final warning -- that the idea of "Europe" will threaten democratic rule and divide the West -- relates to the ideological battles of the past.
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Editor's Note: This article by Victor Chernov, Lenin's fellow revolutionary and political rival, appeared in Foreign Affairs March 15, 1924, following Lenin's death on January 21 of that year. It is reprinted here on the 100th anniversary of Lenin's birth.
How does Binyamin Netanyahu do it? The continued popularity of Israel's Likud prime minister, despite his derailment of a popular peace process, is the great paradox of Israeli politics. The key is the rise of the soft right, an odd mix of ultra-Orthodox Jews and secular immigrants from the former Soviet Union whose newfound influence lets Netanyahu defy political gravity. He holds their support by pandering to their distaste for Arabs and Israel's secular left. But the soft right is not only right but also soft and thus less wedded to a hard line. If Netanyahu drags Israel into a bloody confrontation, they could desert him for a more dovish candidate.
The possibility that the world will awake with surprise one morning to a radical change--whether hoped for or feared--in the Soviet system of government is so remote that we can only wonder that the prospect continues to tantalize us, provoking a recurrent international concern. Perhaps it is because we are all too aware of the vulnerability of our analyses and hypotheses as they apply to even the most "open" and flexible of political systems that we do not cease to marvel at the opaque intransigence of the "closed," rigid, "perfect" system of the Soviet Union, and its indisputable reality in our time.

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