Russia and the West: The 21st Century Security Environment (Eurasia in the 21st Century, Vol. I); Russia, the Caucasus, and Central Asia: The 21st Century Security Environment (Eurasia in the 21st Century, Vol. II); Russia and East Asia: The 21st Century
While observers have noisily debated the paths and perils of the revolution within Russia in recent years, a cohort of security specialists has quietly toiled away to assess its impact on Russia's relations with the world. Some recent results are impressive, like this timely three-volume tour d'horizon. Comparative in its approach but coherent, it contains the radically different points of view of a truly international list of authors. Even though written before 1999, the chapters on Kosovo and Chechnya appear prescient rather than dated, thanks to the series' broad but sensible post-Cold War approach to security. Some authors tackle "traditional" security issues, such as the state of nuclear and conventional forces inherited from the Soviet Union. Others assess "nontraditional" issues not unique to Russia, such as economic security, drug trafficking, and the environment. Yet many of the qualities inherent in the "new" problems derive from the collapse of the Russian empire, its redrawn borders, the weakness of institutions within the Russian state, and the clash between historical legacies and post-Soviet identities in the region. Most striking is the divergence between the numerous threats (traditional and nontraditional) that the Russian authors perceive and those detailed by the non-Russian authors. Given all this, no wonder the title of the series promises a bit more than it can deliver; after all, the 21st century has only just begun. Nevertheless, the complexities of the new security environment and the authors' thoughtful analyses make this series required, if unsettling, reading for Russia scholars and policymakers alike.
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The waning use of Russian in the old Soviet bloc is a gauge of the severity of the Soviet collapse. What is prized now is German and, above all, English.
Socio-political conditions in the former communist bloc do not favour the development of that tolerant political culture which is essential to democracy and economic progress.
Early on August 22, 1939, the world was startled to learn from an announcement in the Soviet press that German Foreign Minister Joachim von Ribbentrop would arrive in Moscow on the following day to sign a nonaggression pact. Equipped with instructions from Adolf Hitler authorizing him to sign both a treaty and a secret protocol that would enter into force as soon as signed by the two countries (rather than when ratified later), Ribbentrop left for Moscow that evening. At the airport, the German delegation was met by deputy commissar for foreign affairs, Vladimir P. Potemkin, who earlier that year had declined an invitation to meet with British Foreign Secretary Lord Halifax.
