Jordanians, Palestinians, and the Hashemite Kingdom in the Middle East Peace Process
The territory known eight decades ago as the British Mandate of Palestine, which later split into Palestine and Transjordan and emerged after the 1948 Arab-Israeli War as Israel and Jordan, now seems destined to add a third state, Palestine. But even if that happens, the Palestinians -- those Arabs tracing their roots to the west of the Jordan River -- will remain a significant minority in Israel (around 20 percent). And although some observers dispute the estimate, Palestinians may well form a majority in Jordan. The sorting out of territorial boundaries and national identities is a complex story, told here from the special perspective of Jordan. Abu-Odeh, a long-time political adviser to the late King Hussein, offers a positive but not uncritical account of the Hashemite policies. A Palestinian native of Nablus, he also elucidates an issue often overlooked: the tensions within Jordan between East-Bank Jordanians ("Transjordanians") and Palestinian-Jordanians.
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During the months that followed the Arab-Israeli war of June 1967, the view gradually gained ground in the West that the Arab defeat represented a considerable Russian victory. Some more imaginative observers argued that the Russians had deliberately engineered both the war and the defeat in order to achieve this result; others, without going as far as to ascribe conscious purpose, nevertheless agreed that, by increasing the hostility of the Arabs to the West and their dependence on the Soviet Union, the crisis, the war and their aftermath had greatly strengthened the Soviet political and strategic position in the Middle East and correspondingly weakened that of the United States. Observers and commentators spoke with mounting anxiety about the growth of Soviet influence in the area and the threat which it offered to the interests of the free world.
After more than a third of a century of conflict, the Middle East remains the greatest threat to international peace and security. In a fitting close to 1981, and as if to signal its own recognition of the fact, and further ensure that the so-called Camp David accords can never lead to a general settlement, the Israeli government enacted legislation that for all intents and purposes annexes the Syrian Golan Heights to Israel. And a new chapter in the conflict begins.
After more than 50 years of Zionist activities-among them many decades over the international diplomatic front-and on looking back on the experiences gained in the 20 years of the existence of the state of Israel, I am beginning to have doubts as to whether the establishment of the state of Israel as it is today, a state like all other states in structure and form, was the fullest accomplishment of the Zionist idea and its twofold aim: to save Jews suffering from discrimination and persecution by giving them the opportunity for a decent and meaningful life in their own homeland; second, to ensure the survival of the Jewish people against the threat of disintegration and disappearance in those parts of the world where they enjoy full equality of rights. In expressing and explaining these thoughts, I want to make it clear that I have no doubt as to the historical justification and moral validity of Zionism. The concentration of a large part of the Jewish people in their own national home, where they are masters of their destiny, seems to me to be the only way to solve what has been called for centuries "the Jewish problem."

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