Kawari: How Japan's Economic and Cultural Transformation Will Alter the Balance of Power Among Nations; The Logic of Japanese Politics: Leaders, Institutions, and the Limits of Change
The Japanese economy that was once the envy of the world has been in deep trouble for a decade, but no Japanese consensus on necessary reforms has yet emerged. Ezrati argues that Japan's rapidly aging population will undermine the industrial exporting economy that has served it so well since World War II. As a result, it faces a transformation as massive as the Meiji Restoration and the American-led postwar occupation. This time, the author believes, Japan will have to move its industrial investments to the rest of Asia and become a "headquarters nation." The imperatives of supporting such a new structure will force Japan to become an aggressive leader of Asia, with greatly expanded military capability.
Curtis also sees changes ahead -- but mainly those that retain the status quo. Building on his intimate knowledge of Japanese politics, Curtis stresses with empathy the context and opportunities that shape and restrict Japanese political behavior. For him, new developments in Japan include a realignment of interest groups, a decline in bureaucrats' status, and a more demanding electorate -- all of which make consensus more difficult. And unlike Ezrati, Curtis finds Japanese politicians too constrained by their immediate realities to redesign a totally new system.
In essence, Ezrati describes the forest without depicting the trees, whereas Curtis focuses on the trees -- indeed the leaves -- so his forest is a bit vague. Curtis is closer to reality, but Ezrati is bolder and more speculative, expecting that the logic of necessity will be enough to change the basic character of the Japanese people.
Related
The major events of 1983 in East Asian politics and economics can be looked at from three broad vantage points or planes of abstraction. At the most general level one sees, rather like the movements of tectonic plates on the earth's surface, a slight shift in the center of gravity of U.S. foreign policy from Europe toward Asia. In large part this shift is prompted by a growing realization among the leaders of the United States and Japan that their nations will, for the indefinite future, be paramount in the fundamental sciences and their practical offshoots in microelectronics, biotechnology, fine ceramics, and other new areas of technical development, and that Western Europe will trail in most of these fields and the Soviet Union simply be left behind. The fact that the American President met with the prime minister of Japan three times during 1983 underscores this trend, as did the President's statement in Tokyo in November that "No relationship between any two countries is more important to world peace and prosperity than the relationship between the United States and Japan."
Japan is today our largest overseas trade partner and the primary source of competition for American industry. This article, therefore, focuses on Japan and to some extent on the electronics industries--including computers, semiconductors and other industrial and consumer electronics equipment--as typical of the high technology areas where competition with Japanese firms is most intense. Most of the measures which will help to make the American electronics industries more competitive apply equally to all American industry.
East Asia was a stable region in 1984, marked by general progress toward the goals laid down by the various national leaderships. In Japan, Prime Minister Yasuhiro Nakasone's election to a second two-year term signified continuity in foreign policy and particularly in the partnership between Washington and Tokyo. Not only is the close security relationship with the United States being maintained; Japan also began significant movement toward a modest but increasing political role in global affairs.

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