Not Whether but When: The U.S. Decision to Enlarge NATO; Strange Bedfellows: NATO Marches East
These two books tell how NATO expanded to include Poland, Hungary, and the Czech Republic. Grayson is a loose, fluid writer, but he gets some facts wrong; Goldgeier is more careful. Although its importance was understandably exaggerated by both advocates and enemies, this story is significant -- roughly comparable to the importance of NATO's 1952 expansion to include Greece and Turkey. Former National Security Adviser Anthony Lake and then-Assistant Secretary of State Richard Holbrooke get their share of credit. Yet both authors (especially Grayson) tend to treat midlevel bureaucrats as the heroes in the story, focusing on American interagency arguments rather than international politics. The key task for these officials was to make NATO enlargement a priority for the president. Once Clinton was committed, there were few ways the initiative could go wrong, given the wide Republican support. But both books have a problem with context. While this play unfolded, the Balkans were burning and Russia was smoldering. In these accounts, the players and the audience barely notice the odd wisps of smoke that drift across the stage.
Related
The Clinton administration needs to lead Europe and expand NATO, but without harming ties with Russia. Washington should dispel the ambiguity created by its current waffling. The president must take a two-track approach: start the process of accepting Central European states into NATO by spelling out criteria for membership and sign a global security treaty with Russia. To make it work, Germany and Poland will have to reconcile, the West and Russia will have to soothe Ukraine, and the problem of the Baltics will have to be finessed. Only American leadership can help create a wider, safer Europe for the next century.
In Central Europe the greatest threat to democracy comes not from the nationalists but from the better-organized former communist parties. Encouraging Western-style conservative parties would provide economic and political competition.
Even in an age of nuclear weapons and intercontinental missiles, the states of Eastern Europe now dominated by the Soviet Union constitute an important element of Soviet national security, a kind of cordon Stalinaire. The one hundred million people, and the resources their governments command, contribute a significant increment to Soviet economic, technological and military power. Soviet control of these areas provides forward military bases and possession of the traditional invasion routes into Western Europe, especially across the northern plains. The Soviet position, in fact, constitutes a threat to the security of Western Europe, a pistol held at its head.

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