Cold War Statesmen Confront the Bomb: Nuclear Diplomacy Since 1945
This edited volume performs two services. First, it challenges the argument of the historian John Mueller: the long peace among the great powers since 1945 and the limited character of the Korean War were caused by a general fear of major war, not of nuclear weapons. Unfortunately, Mueller's argument is not adequately addressed, since the necessary counterfactuals require a careful analysis of one war (Korea) and several crises, none of which any author here examines closely. But the book better handles its second task: assembling cutting-edge historical essays on how the leading statesmen of the Cold War's first half -- Truman, Stalin, Mao, Eisenhower, Dulles, Kennedy, Khrushchev, Churchill, de Gaulle, and Adenauer -- viewed nuclear weapons. This objective is admirably attained, even though the authors (with the exception of Philip Nash) examine attitudes more than particular events. But these leaders' attitudes did evolve, perhaps none more poignantly than Dwight Eisenhower's. Andrew Erdmann writes that as Eisenhower was leaving office, this torn man "simultaneously clung to nuclear weapons tighter than ever, while trying to push them away."
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The specter of weapons of mass destruction being used against America looms larger today than at any time since the Cuban missile crisis. The World Trade Center bombing scarcely hints at the enormity of the danger. America is prepared only for conventional terrorism, not a nuclear, chemical, or biological weapons catastrophe. With the right approach and organization, however, the United States can be ready. Herewith a plan to reorganize the U.S. government to ensure that it can handle the threats of the next century.
Twice before, America had the opportunity to make the prevention of conflict its first line of defense. It must not lose this moment after the Cold War to foment a revolution in security strategy. Preventing proliferation is key, and U.S. programs help turn Soviet missile sites into sunflower fields. The American armed services, the world's most emulated, show other militaries how to function in a civil society and conduct exchanges that head off misunderstandings. In Europe, George Marshall's fondest hopes are being realized through the Partnership for Peace, which reverberates well beyond the security realm. Meanwhile, the United States leverages forces for maximum deterrence and invests in smart technology. But its best investment is in openness and trust, the essential tools of the art of peace.
Nuclear weapons were used for the first and only time in World War II, and the world has grown accustomed to their nonuse. But the overwhelming deterrent forces that worked during the Cold War will not provide protection against the new threats: terrorism and catastrophic accident. The arsenals and mindsets of the past half-century present a formidable barrier to change, but the United States must lead the way in preventing nuclear weapons from becoming acceptable.

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