The Sanctions Decade: Assessing U.N. Strategies in the 1990s
A helpful guide to the sanctions debate. The United Nations has increasingly resorted to economic sanctions in response to violations of international norms such as territorial aggression, human-rights transgressions, and weapons proliferation. The scholarly consensus, however, is that coercive economic sanctions are rarely successful. This volume looks at recent episodes and finds a mixed but more successful record than most critics would admit. Sanctions made some headway with Iraq, Yugoslavia, Libya, and Cambodia but were less successful in Haiti, Angola, Sierra Leone, and Rwanda. The authors argue that sanctions work best when they are swift, forceful, and pursued in cooperation with frontline states. Not surprisingly, comprehensive and rigorously enforced sanctions are more likely to succeed than limited unilateral actions. The authors also call for a more workable sanctions regime, offering useful recommendations for strengthening Security Council policymaking and member-state cooperation. But they only hint at what might be their most important point: even when sanctions do not achieve their narrow goal of inducing change, they are a useful symbolic tool for isolating violators of internationally accepted norms of behavior.
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Past attempts to fix failed states in Africa have gone nowhere for similar reasons: they have tried to restore good governance to places that have never enjoyed it in the first place. A radical rethinking is needed; in the hardest cases, international trusteeships offer the best chance for success.
As the United States and Europe dither, an often-ignored factor is increasingly imperiling NATO's future: the sorry state of transatlantic cooperation in the defense industry. The U.S. and European defense industries are growing increasingly separate, undermining NATO's political base and strengthening America's isolationists. The leading defense companies on both sides of the Atlantic should start working together -- for their mutual benefit, and for NATO's.
Pacific powers would like Korea to reunify slowly, but the North is soon likely to implode, its economy deteriorating as its weapons of mass destruction accumulate. Rapid reunification would spur economic growth, as in Germany, and reduce regional tensions. South Korea's liberalization of its own economy and strengthening of its civic institutions will prepare it to assist the North. China and Russia may not go along, but Western governments should stop coddling Pyongyang. America should underwrite a united Korea's security, and Japan its finances.

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