Kennedy's Wars: Berlin, Cuba, Laos, and Vietnam; American Tragedy: Kennedy, Johnson, and the Origins of the Vietnam War
These two books put forth an interpretation of J.F.K.'s foreign policy that is more sophisticated and much more positive than earlier accounts. Kennedy's breadth of knowledge and ironic sensibility made him wary of Cold War shibboleths and open to quiet accommodation. Yet he was dealing with a Soviet leader inclined to mistake conciliation for weakness and a domestic environment that pushed him toward confrontational posturing. Facing real crises, Kennedy found himself performing amazing balancing acts on the high wire, with the safety net below frayed by his loose, ad hoc decision-making style. Nonetheless, by 1963 he had achieved real successes of lasting import. He was in the midst of yet another balancing act-Vietnam-when his life was cut short. A veteran scholar of great skill, Freedman is well versed in the new evidence, and his judgments are measured and perceptive. His is the best one-volume treatment of Kennedy's foreign policy in print.
Although Kaiser looks at Eisenhower and L.B.J. as well, his Vietnam book is strongest on the Kennedy period. On Johnson, his account ably complements Fred Logevall's Choosing War in the way it stresses Johnson's choices and responsibility. Kaiser persuasively argues that Kennedy would have avoided a major American war in Vietnam had he lived. Many critics have disagreed with Kaiser. But amid the debate about "what ifs," one basic contrast between Kennedy and Johnson now stands out. From the very start, Kennedy's premises about Indochina were skeptical and open to diplomatic exits. Johnson's premises and mindset were always different-more passionate, tormented, and vain.
Related
In taking the war upon himself, Robert S. McNamara forgets that containment abroad and anticommunism at home virtually ensured the Vietnam tragedy.
Washington bureaucrats will long remember John F. Kennedy as a President who stood them on their heads. Quick and impatient, he could not understand how Foggy Bottom and the Pentagon could take so long to answer his questions. Furthermore, he condoned unorthodox procedures on the grounds that order implied an absence of creativity. As Professor Neustadt has in effect pointed out, however, government officials prefer to go by the book. The result of this conflict was an encounter from which Washington has yet to recover.
If the most powerful country and the most populous country in the world could not have a normal diplomatic relationship, they would have to invent a substitute. And they did. For eleven years the United States and the Chinese People's Republic have dealt directly with each other by means of their special if obscure arrangement known as the Ambassadorial Talks, held at irregular intervals, first in Geneva, then in Warsaw. Although the official record of the exchanges between their two Ambassadors has been kept secret by mutual agreement, official statements in Washington and Peking, together with news reports in both countries, provide some material for describing several high points of the "longest established permanent floating" diplomatic game in modern history. The United States has participated in three international conferences with the Chinese People's Republic, but in the course of them few or no bilateral discussions or contacts took place informally on the side; thus the principal American dealings with Peking have occurred in the Ambassadorial Talks. It is time to recognize and appraise these unusual dealings.

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