The Search for Good Government: Understanding the Paradox of Italian Democracy
An ambitious and spirited book that asks what type of constitutional system works best for Italy. Sabetti juxtaposes his analysis of earlier political thinkers with an account of more recent Italian politics and a critique of several influential political studies. One intriguing intellectual examined is Carlo Cattaneo, who during unification advocated a mix of communal autonomy (which he believed would encourage civic consciousness) and federalism (which Italy's leaders ultimately rejected). Sabetti continues with a discussion of how national parties limited regional autonomy after World War II so they could dominate local politics, then moves on abruptly to analyze the war against the Mafia. He concludes that this fight for good government has been hampered by a "perverse emphasis on legality," yet he fails to consider that legality is required for good government. His critique of cultural explanations for Italy's political flaws-including Robert Putnam's distinction between the civic-minded North and the authoritarian, corrupt South-leads to his general condemnation of foreign misconceptions of Italy. As for the Italians, he writes, their adoption of such foreign views amounts to "self-colonization." At the end, the reader is still left in the dark about how Italian democracy will succeed.
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Italy's entry into Europe's single currency was a triumph of fiscal displine over a long history of profligate spending. But Italy's embrace of European institutions is driven by more than just economics. "Europe" has helped Italy cement its national identity, clean up its politics, and modernize its laws. Although the European Union will never replace Italians' regional or national allegiances, it will always find its staunchest supporters in Rome rather than in Paris, Brussels, or Berlin.
The awesome floods of November aside, Italy in late 1966 was in a state of non-crisis. There has been enough political and economic instability in the past, however, to make us view this period of often frenetic progress toward industrialization and social unity as temporary. Fundamental social changes are in process. The business recession of 1964 seems a thing of the past. A government budget of $14.3 billion for 1967 has been prepared, including $1.4 billion for much-needed agricultural development during the next five years and another $600 million for the still depressed southern regions. After hesitant beginnings in February, the third coalition center- left government of the taciturn Christian Democratic premier, Aldo Moro, appears to be settling in with a minimum of open controversy for the period between now and the general elections in 1968. The strains among the basically mismated members of his cabinet are temporarily eased while the two major elements (Christian Democrats and Socialists) reform for the campaign to win the adherence of more than 32,000,000 voters. In foreign policy, reflecting as it does the gentler phase of the cold war, no initiatives are likely. None the less, there is much for Italy's politicians to do.
New general elections will be held in Italy in May. The present government coalition (formed by Christian Democrats and Socialists, with the addition of the very few but earnest Republicans) will defend itself on two fronts. From the radical Right will come the assaults of the not-numerous neo- Fascists and the still scarcer last-stand Monarchists; much more vigorous and dangerous attacks will be launched by the radical Left, the Communists and the revolutionary Socialists. Both radical Right and Left are theoretically sworn to destroy the present state of things and erect diametrically opposite régimes on the smoking ruins and the carnage. Such apocalyptic prospectives are not difficult to defeat, as they provoke more fear than hope in large sectors of the electorate.

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