The Dark Valley: A Panorama of the 1930s
Those who worry about the fragility of today's world order should remember the nightmarish 1930s. In a masterful survey of that troubled decade, Brendon traces the political pathways of the great powers in the throes of economic collapse and social upheaval. This massive book also offers fascinating sketches of democrats and dictators struggling to cope with (or exploit) the enveloping economic misery. But the central drama is the rise of fascism, rooted in national humiliation and nourished by the everyday anger of common citizens. Mussolini's March on Rome in 1921, for example, revealed both fascism's absurdity and its potent possibilities in a world economic crisis. American and British leaders are depicted as practical and determined but lacking a coherent script. Brendon reminds the reader of an old insight: Illiberal politics lurk in the shadow of major economic recession. The Great Depression created something similar to the fog of war, allowing rulers to create myths and manipulate mass opinion. Although the author does not break new theoretical ground, he does give fresh meaning to the question of how enlightened political order and civility can be maintained in an economic meltdown.
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The American century, far from being over, is on the way. The information revolution, which capsized the Soviet Union and propelled Japan to eminence, has altered the equation of national power. America leads the world in the new technologies. Its emerging military systems can thwart any threat. On the "soft-power" side, it projects its ideals and other countries follow. To prevent an information race, America must share its lead; to preserve its reputation, it must keep its house in order.
Pacific powers would like Korea to reunify slowly, but the North is soon likely to implode, its economy deteriorating as its weapons of mass destruction accumulate. Rapid reunification would spur economic growth, as in Germany, and reduce regional tensions. South Korea's liberalization of its own economy and strengthening of its civic institutions will prepare it to assist the North. China and Russia may not go along, but Western governments should stop coddling Pyongyang. America should underwrite a united Korea's security, and Japan its finances.
U.S. and international development agencies, believing that poor countries should develop economically before they become democratic, have not taken politics into account when disbursing aid. This is a mistake: poor democracies are almost always stronger, calmer, and more caring than poor autocracies, because they allow power to be shared and encourage openness and accountability. They deserve all the help they can get.

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