Peoples Versus States: Minorities at Risk in the New Century
Ethnic conflict is often considered a defining feature of the post-Cold War landscape. But this systematic, empirically rich study by a leading scholar suggests the worst has perhaps passed. Tracking 275 ethnic and social groups since the mid-1980s, Gurr sees the reach and intensity of ethnic struggle diminishing for three reasons. First, in the former Soviet bloc the initial shock of state reformation after communism's collapse has diminished, reducing the incentives and opportunities for ethnic activism. Second, international efforts at publicizing and responding to minority-rights violations have increased, while leading states and international organizations have stepped forward to offer remedies. Most important, democratic states have improved their own policies toward ethnic minorities, resisting the temptations of assimilation and repression in favor of pluralism and group autonomy. Gurr concludes that the settlement of disputes over inequality and oppression requires a bargain in which the minority group is given rights and autonomy in return for recognizing the state's wider authority. But while democratic countries with strong political institutions can most easily reach such bargains, the elusiveness of stable democracy in much of the world tempers Gurr's optimism.
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The basic assumptions of U.S. policy toward the Gulf demand rethinking. The Pentagon pays up to $60 billion a year to protect the import of $30 billion worth of oil that would flow anyway. Playing the role of regional hegemon ties America to troubled regimes and leaves it out on a limb, while allies sit back. Washington must hedge against inevitable political change in the region by spreading the burden and the say, reversing arms proliferation, and encouraging the Gulf states to come up with some security of their own.
In one sense Russia and China pose the same problems. An international order of trade and cooperation has been established, and the two countries are in the process of joining. But their central governments are weak -- Russia's military is quasi-independent of Moscow, China's factories do not heed Beijing. Humiliation over national decline prompts symbolic defiance of the United States. Ukraine and Taiwan remain dangerous flash points that call for tacit deterrence. Like adolescents, Russia and China are in a transitional stage requiring patience and guidance rather than confrontation.
The American century, far from being over, is on the way. The information revolution, which capsized the Soviet Union and propelled Japan to eminence, has altered the equation of national power. America leads the world in the new technologies. Its emerging military systems can thwart any threat. On the "soft-power" side, it projects its ideals and other countries follow. To prevent an information race, America must share its lead; to preserve its reputation, it must keep its house in order.

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