The Middle Kingdom Runs Dry: Tax Evasion in China
Thanks to a woefully corrupt and inefficient tax system, Beijing is going broke. China must fix its tax problems fast, before globalization speeds it into bankruptcy.
William Gamble is a lawyer and a principal in Emerging Market Strategies, a forecast and risk management firm specializing in the global marketplace.
China watchers regularly warn that a raft of well-known problems besets the Middle Kingdom. These usual suspects include a ballooning population, environmental degradation, growing ethnic tensions, and uncomfortable relations with China's neighbors. But the country has an even more immediate problem that has until now received far too little attention: Beijing can barely collect its taxes. At a time when China's economic growth rate is slowing and its thirst for public funds is growing, this chronic inability to collect taxes has all but crippled the government. And so far, all efforts to address the problem have failed.
Throughout the 1990s, successive crackdowns on tax evaders were launched to little avail. Government income as a share of gross domestic product (GDP) continued to decline throughout the decade, sinking to 12 percent in 1998 from 32 percent in 1978 -- a rate lower than those of the world's most laissez-faire economic regimes. At the same time, individual income as a proportion of GDP increased from 49 to 61 percent.
Understanding China's desperate thirst for cash is not difficult. It owes in large part to the enormous losses regularly suffered by the noncompetitive state-owned enterprises (SOES) that employ most of the workers in urban China. These hemorrhaging businesses must be bailed out by loans from state banks that then become insolvent themselves, requiring recapitalization and extending the economic crisis down the line. Workers laid off by those SOES not kept on life support by the banks also require government support. At the same time, Beijing is spending huge amounts on economic stimulus packages to prop up its GDP. The government also keeps expanding defense budgets to compensate the armed forces for the recent loss of their commercial businesses, which Beijing stripped from them in an attempt to reduce the military's power.
This is a premium article
You must be a Foreign Affairs subscriber to continue reading. If you are already a print subscriber, click here to activate your online access.
Log In
Buy PDF
Buy a premium PDF reprint of this article.Related
With China's economic clout growing rapidly, Americans are accusing Beijing of every offense from currency manipulation to crooked trade policies. None of these charges has much merit, but they have increased the probability of a U.S.-Chinese trade war that would do considerable damage to both sides.
So far China has avoided Southeast Asia's financial crisis, but it shares many of the underlying weaknesses that brought on the panic. Although it lacks capital convertibility and the high foreign borrowing that imperiled other countries, its weak banking system has issued a mountain of bad loans. Shenzhen has enough empty office space, for instance, to satisfy the market for three years. New reforms are supposed to reduce political nepotism in lending and apply the ax to subpar bank presidents, but whether they will succeed remains to be seen.
The West accounts for a disproportionate share of world income because it has already passed through capitalist development. Now that Asia is becoming capitalist, it will return to the center of the world economy, where it was in the early nineteenth century. Current currency crises are only blips on the screen. Asia's miracle transpired not because of shrewd industrial policy or great leaps forward but because countries attracted foreign investment and moved up the development ladder one rung at a time. But ahead lies the challenge, particularly for India and China, of establishing modern governments.
