EXCEPTION TO THE EXCEPTION
Anti-Americanism and a stubborn Gaullist independence in foreign policy have often marked French political discourse. These traits are coming to the fore once again in France's wildly popular antiglobalization movement. Today, a complex mix of political, economic, and cultural reasons explains the French resistance to "Anglo-Saxon global capitalism." If sustained, France's stand could become a model for other countries seeking an alternative to the new, American-style world economy.
To the Editor:
Sophie Meunier discusses French attitudes toward the United States, but perhaps she would care to reflect on American attitudes toward France.
Perhaps a clue to the clash between American and French sensibilities can be found in the difference between Catholicism and Protestantism. Catholicism in France was rigorous but also included a certain acceptance of the inevitable weakness of the flesh. If we understand American Puritanism as the terrible suspicion that someone, somewhere, might be enjoying life, a dour American refusal to cultivate les douceurs de la vie would certainly lead to skepticism (mixed with envy) toward France.
Meunier instructs us that Americans are individualistic -- a familiar theme. But if we believe observers like Alexis de Tocqueville, Professors Robert Putnam and Richard Sennett, and those exceptionally acute historical observers, our novelists, then Americans today are hardly individualistic.
Perhaps these differences were not far from French minds when Foreign Minister Hubert Vedrine refused at Warsaw, in June, to affix France's signature to a vacuous declaration on democracy.
The French are odd. They suppose that their values are at least as universal as ours, and that they know a lot about history and statecraft. Is it possible that they are serenely undisturbed by American criticism, since they think that the real historical oddity is the United States?
Norman Birnbaum
Professor, Georgetown University Law Center
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Anti-Americanism and a stubborn Gaullist independence in foreign policy have often marked French political discourse. These traits are coming to the fore once again in France's wildly popular antiglobalization movement. Today, a complex mix of political, economic, and cultural reasons explains the French resistance to "Anglo-Saxon global capitalism." If sustained, France's stand could become a model for other countries seeking an alternative to the new, American-style world economy.
We often speak of a "new policy" of the French Communist Party. This is, in fact, one of the major subjects of political debate in France. The question is all the more relevant because the prospect of an electoral success of the Left in France, followed by the formation of a government by the various parties of the Left and thus including Communist ministers in significant posts, is a realistic one. This would not be a totally unprecedented event: as a matter of fact, from 1944 to 1947, there were already in France Communist ministers who held important and responsible posts (Vice President of the Cabinet, Minister of National Defense, Minister of Aviation, Minister of Labor, Minister of Industrial Production, Minister of Health). But I must admit that, 30 years later, the situation is not the same. Many things have changed in our country and in the world. New questions have arisen. They call for new answers.
What is the reaction of the French people to the politique de grandeur-the policy which, in the name of France, General de Gaulle is projecting on a world scale? Before this question can be answered we must first ask: How is French policy shaped and decided? Next, how is it made known to parliament and public opinion? Third, do the broad masses of the people have access to adequate and objective information on which to base their judgment of this policy? Only then can we turn to the question: What is their judgment?
