EXCEPTION TO THE EXCEPTION
Anti-Americanism and a stubborn Gaullist independence in foreign policy have often marked French political discourse. These traits are coming to the fore once again in France's wildly popular antiglobalization movement. Today, a complex mix of political, economic, and cultural reasons explains the French resistance to "Anglo-Saxon global capitalism." If sustained, France's stand could become a model for other countries seeking an alternative to the new, American-style world economy.
To the Editor:
Sophie Meunier discusses French attitudes toward the United States, but perhaps she would care to reflect on American attitudes toward France.
Perhaps a clue to the clash between American and French sensibilities can be found in the difference between Catholicism and Protestantism. Catholicism in France was rigorous but also included a certain acceptance of the inevitable weakness of the flesh. If we understand American Puritanism as the terrible suspicion that someone, somewhere, might be enjoying life, a dour American refusal to cultivate les douceurs de la vie would certainly lead to skepticism (mixed with envy) toward France.
Meunier instructs us that Americans are individualistic -- a familiar theme. But if we believe observers like Alexis de Tocqueville, Professors Robert Putnam and Richard Sennett, and those exceptionally acute historical observers, our novelists, then Americans today are hardly individualistic.
Perhaps these differences were not far from French minds when Foreign Minister Hubert Vedrine refused at Warsaw, in June, to affix France's signature to a vacuous declaration on democracy.
The French are odd. They suppose that their values are at least as universal as ours, and that they know a lot about history and statecraft. Is it possible that they are serenely undisturbed by American criticism, since they think that the real historical oddity is the United States?
Norman Birnbaum
Professor, Georgetown University Law Center
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Anti-Americanism and a stubborn Gaullist independence in foreign policy have often marked French political discourse. These traits are coming to the fore once again in France's wildly popular antiglobalization movement. Today, a complex mix of political, economic, and cultural reasons explains the French resistance to "Anglo-Saxon global capitalism." If sustained, France's stand could become a model for other countries seeking an alternative to the new, American-style world economy.
France intends both to preserve her national identity and to help bring about the peace that she cherishes. She refuses to take refuge in the comfort of a neutrality that is nothing more than an abdication of responsibility in face of the great disputes of our time. At the same time she objects to every form of hegemony, whether detrimental or advantageous to herself; for she does not challenge anyone else's right to the rights she claims for herself. For in her position, with her calling and with her resources, how could she take part in the human adventure and in the construction of peace on earth if she renounced the exercise of political imagination, if she accepted the protection of an outsider and left to others the task of shaping her own history and behavior in the world?
The French always seem to be opposing the United States on some issue or other. They coddle Saddam Hussein and denounce American "cultural imperialism." Why is France so difficult to deal with? It is, quite simply, in a bad mood, unsure of its place and status in a new world. The French are jealous of America, which seems to run the world; afraid of globalization, which threatens to erode their culture; and ambivalent about European unification, which might drown out their voice. France must meet these challenges while struggling with a cumbersome statist economy and a rising extreme right. To do it all, France must transcend itself.

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