The Third Reich: A New History
This exemplary history proves that brilliant historians can still enlighten their readers -- even when the facts are familiar. What distinguishes Burleigh is his purpose. His story is about not just a horrible historical episode but a "political religion" that led to an advanced society's moral breakdown and "moral neobarbarism" across Europe and Russia. Burleigh outright rejects separating fact from judgment and proudly defends the human values that Hitlerism tried to destroy. Indeed, his very indignation and uninhibited style enhance the book's appeal. He wisely starts the story in 1914, when many Germans citizens abandoned "the business of thinking for themselves." With formidable documentation, the author demonstrates how the triumph of police terror over the rule of law in 1933 formed the basis of all the evils that followed -- including policies toward Jews, eugenics and euthanasia, and occupation in the rest of Europe. Although Burleigh skimps somewhat on the issue of public acquiescence (and enthusiasm) before the war, he exhaustively examines German resistance to Hitler. Many of its members may not have been good democrats, he concludes, but they all sought to restore the rule of law. This account gives Hitler and the war less attention than do other versions, but The Third Reich unflinchingly keeps the reader's mind on the essentials.
Related
The surface was all smiles and harmony. After years of transatlantic distress, the major nations of the democratic West assembled in May in the splendor of Colonial Williamsburg to manifest their unity and their confidence. There were two new faces among the seven heads of state and government, both symbols of a significant political change in their respective countries: West German Chancellor Helmut Kohl, who had replaced Helmut Schmidt in October 1982 and whose party, the Christian Democrats, had just been confirmed by a massive popular vote on March 6, and Prime Minister Yasuhiro Nakasone, the leader of Japan's Liberal Democratic Party and government who, in striking contrast to his predecessors, articulated a newly confident, internationally minded Japan.
It was only a few years ago that the East European countries moved back into the field of vision of Western policy. For a decade they were kept outside the scope of our active policy, though not out of our thoughts. Most of the paths we trod toward the East led through a frosty and monotonous political landscape, past a hundred million East Europeans and their capital cities directly to Moscow. These peoples and, as we can now see, their governments, did not voluntarily remain in the background nor renounce their right to shape their own future and their relations with the rest of the world. But as long as only the voice of Moscow was heard in reply to questions asked of them, the countries of the West had no choice but to speak with those whose voice alone mattered.
We are the allies of the United States, not their vassals." These words were spoken in late September 1984 by the Minister of the Interior of the West German state of Hesse, a Social Democrat. He was responding to an American corps commander who had called German demonstrators at an American military training area "anarchists and criminals," and demanded their full prosecution under German law. According to the U.S. officer, the demonstrators had "damaged military vehicles, sprayed paint and thrown rocks at soldiers." German police arrested 188 demonstrators, charged them with disturbing the peace, trespassing and damaging property, and then released them.

Sign-up for free weekly updates from ForeignAffairs.com.