The Political Mobilization of the European Left, 1860-1980
Armed with charts and masses of data, Bartolini has produced a colossal study of the relations among European labor parties and unions, governments, and bourgeois interests; the role of peasants and religious groups; and the complex split between socialists and communists. He argues that the rigid class identity (or "cleavage") of workers became ideologically hostile to the state, with socialism as a final step in the "mass nationalization and integration of the lower classes in the national political order." In this process, the scope of political representation and citizenship proved far more important than economic development and industrialization. He concludes by arguing that the class cleavage is now in decline, largely because of changes in the social structure. Bartolini's erudition, mastery of details, awareness of national differences, and virtuosity in explaining problematic cases are astounding. But it is arguable whether even such a clearly written social-science study could throw more light on this subject than less "scientific" but more historically grounded studies. Indeed, the latter might better convey the distinctive flavors of the movements and nations considered -- and be more readable.
Related
Seventeen months of intricate negotiation involving the four powers responsible for Germany, the two German states and the North Atlantic and Warsaw Treaty alliances have finally yielded a Berlin agreement. It is the first major East-West accord in Europe since the Austrian State Treaty in 1955 and suggests that old-fashioned diplomacy still has its virtues. The agreement's provisions, which are far better than Western foreign offices dared hope when the negotiations began, regulate the thorniest aspects of the Berlin problem, notably the access issue. But they do not solve the problem in the sense of establishing a new status for the city. Indeed, whether the agreement holds up at all depends on whether the present détente in Europe continues. Experience with Soviet policy has taught that this is not predictable. One result is, however, certain: the agreement compels the West to come fully to terms soon with the second German state. The German Democratic Republic is becoming, as Alice might put it, permanenter and permanenter.
"Wer von Europa spricht, hat unrecht," Bismarck said: "Whoever speaks of Europe is wrong." After reading a great deal of what has been written about Europe, one is tempted to agree with the old statesman. It has become increasingly difficult to get one's bearings. Are pro-Europeans for or against the Americans? For or against the Russians? For or against other Europeans? Can one find clear answers to these questions?
Politically, Western Europe is enfeebled if not paralyzed. And the dilemma of the world's most civilized concentration of peoples, deploying more economic power than any region save North America, is more than paradoxical. It is disturbing and potentially troublesome. One wonders if there is still time for Europeans to do anything about it, and, if so, what. Western Europe is caught up in fresh political currents strong enough to restrain any serious efforts by the European Community to enlarge significantly the political influence of the member states and to reduce their dependence on America.

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