The Political Mobilization of the European Left, 1860-1980
Armed with charts and masses of data, Bartolini has produced a colossal study of the relations among European labor parties and unions, governments, and bourgeois interests; the role of peasants and religious groups; and the complex split between socialists and communists. He argues that the rigid class identity (or "cleavage") of workers became ideologically hostile to the state, with socialism as a final step in the "mass nationalization and integration of the lower classes in the national political order." In this process, the scope of political representation and citizenship proved far more important than economic development and industrialization. He concludes by arguing that the class cleavage is now in decline, largely because of changes in the social structure. Bartolini's erudition, mastery of details, awareness of national differences, and virtuosity in explaining problematic cases are astounding. But it is arguable whether even such a clearly written social-science study could throw more light on this subject than less "scientific" but more historically grounded studies. Indeed, the latter might better convey the distinctive flavors of the movements and nations considered -- and be more readable.
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Despite the recent waves of tourists who have returned with tales of the beauties and comforts of Lisbon and Estoril, and despite new Luso-American cultural and commercial links, misunderstanding and ignorance characterize much American thought about Portugal. Some observers still believe that this small nation lives entirely in the past. But the fact is that significant changes are taking place there.
Ten years ago, in August 1960, the Socialist Party abstained in the vote of confidence for the third Fanfani cabinet, thus giving the first and irreversible indication that a new period was beginning in the brief history of the Italian Republic. The era of "quadripartito" coalitions, running from the Christian Democrats to the Liberals, and including the Republicans and Social Democrats, was over. The "opening to the Left" was on. Although the first Center-Left government, led by Aldo Moro and including the Nenni Socialists, the Republicans and Social Democrats, would not come into being until December 1963, it can be fairly said that the sixties, in Italy, belonged to that political constellation. At the end of the decade, during the critical summer of 1970, people wondered whether a new turning point had arrived. Had the Center-Left already exhausted its historical task? If so, what would come afterwards-the "opening to the Communists," or, on the contrary, a turn to the Right? Or would, after all, the Center-Left coalition be able to survive and even gather new strength?
There have been three widely separated political Greeces: the ancient city- states, the Byzantine empire and modern Greece, which won its independence from the Turks less than a century and a half ago. In essence, there is little relationship between the governance of these three Greeces but, because of classical influence on contemporary education and because the early Athenians were so gifted in defining and elaborating systems of thought, there is a persistent tendency to regard contemporary Greece in terms of its antique glory. Nowadays above all, when the country is governed by a stolid group of Colonels, it is fashionable to decry dictatorship in the birthplace of democracy.
