From Third World to First: The Singapore Story, 1965-2000
In this second volume of his memoirs, Lee Kuan Yew begins by telling how he and a small group of Singaporean leaders banded together and, by "getting the basics right," transformed a poor and polyglot city into an astonishingly successful modern nation. Lee tells in crisp and polished prose how this group identified the key problems of nation-building, analyzed what needed to be done, and then -- with uncompromising determination -- did it. While asserting his respect for authoritarian efficiency, Lee also seems to have mellowed in his championing of "Asian values" and criticizing of the West's attachment to the rights of the individual. In the second half of the book, Lee recounts his experiences as confidant of and counselor to world leaders. He hosted six American presidents in Istana, his official residence, and he regularly visited the White House. During the Vietnam War, American presidents seemed to welcome Lee's pep talks to "stick it out." The easy informality of his conversations over lunch and dinner made him a valued interlocutor who knew how to "get it right" in world politics. Throughout this work, Lee's analysis of political problems displays the workings of a brilliant lawyer's mind unencumbered by lawyer's jargon. He also demonstrates a genius for reading human character. His forthright evaluations of the personalities of both his Singaporean colleagues and a host of foreign leaders provide a degree of candor rare in the memoirs of political leaders.
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More than economics, more than politics, a nation's culture will determine its fate. So says the man who built Singapore, Lee Kuan Yew. Lee is not optimistic that other nations can replicate East Asia's staggering growth. He is critical of the social breakdown that he sees in America: "The expansion of the rights of the individual has come at the expense of orderly society." East Asia is changing in the face of rapid growth, but Lee doubts that American-style individualism will ever catch on there. While critical of American social order, Lee strongly supports America's role as a balancer in East Asia. If it withdraws, other powers, notably Japan, would go their own way. And that would unsettle the region's peace.
Flanking the sea artery connecting the Pacific and Indian Oceans, and virtually linking the Asian mainland with the Indonesian archipelago, the island of Singapore occupies a strategic position in southeastern Asia. Toward its 220 square miles of territory have converged races from all the Orient, but especially the southern Chinese in their ubiquitous quest for commercial opportunities. When Sir Stamford Raffles established a trading post near the Singapore River on February 6, 1819, the island's only inhabitants were a few hundred Malays. Four months later, however, he wrote: "From the number of Chinese already settled, and the peculiar attraction of the place for that industrious race, it may be presumed that they will always form the largest part of the community." Today, some 75 percent of Singapore's million and three-quarters inhabitants are Chinese- the largest urban concentration anywhere of overseas Chinese.
AUSTRALIA'S decision to keep forces in Malaysia and Singapore after Britain leaves in 1971 was taken in an election year, after the most searching public debate on defense and foreign policy in Australia's history and after a substantial official review. It represents, therefore, one country's practical assessment of Southeast Asia "after Viet Nam." In this sense, the decision may have significance outside Australia, for the light it throws on the development of Australian thinking, for the contribution it is intended to make to the security of the immediate subregional neighborhood and for the assumptions it appears to make about the broader question of stability in Asia, especially the role of the United States.

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