Same Bed, Different Dreams: Managing U.S.-China Relations, 1989-2000; Engaging China: The Management of an Emerging Power
Lampton has written a thoughtful, vividly detailed analysis of post-1989 relations between America and China that does not belittle the problems separating the two countries. In particular, he spells out the differing perspectives and basic orientations that make for misunderstandings. Most insightful is his investigation of how the myths and ideals of the two societies complicate the relationship. He introduces a strong human dimension with his in-depth profiles of the principal actors, while seven guidelines for the policymakers of both countries conclude the book.
The Johnson-Ross edited volume, in contrast, is premised on the proposition that any emerging great power is likely to cause trouble in world politics, and that China is one such power. Asia will therefore have to figure out how best to engage Beijing. In the introductory essay, Randall Schweller provides a sophisticated review of the history of the problems posed by emerging new powers. Separate authors then examine the ways in which the Koreas, Taiwan, Indonesia, Singapore, Malaysia, Japan, the United States, and major international institutions have each separately sought to engage China. The editors conclude the study by analyzing the differences in these various approaches, searching for the best ways to manage relations with China. Although the authors acknowledge that Chinese domestic developments will be a large factor, they generally imply that the chance of a peaceful emergence of China depends on the wisdom and skills of the United States and of China's neighbors.
Related
For some months, 1966 promised to be a year of significant albeit gradual change in American policy toward Communist China. In a strange and paradoxical fashion, the emotional issues of the Viet Nam War opened the way for the most sober, responsible and even-handed public discussion of China since the Communists came to power. At Congressional hearings and in the mass media, scholars and leaders of opinion have dispassionately calculated the possibilities for change, and Administration leaders have in their customarily guarded language intimated that change was not impossible. Most significant of all, the American public demonstrated a gratifying degree of maturity by forgetting the old passions and asking for only facts and analyses about the new China. Our national mood was increasingly one of believing that with prudence and wisdom it would be possible to work toward gradually incorporating China into responsible world relationships.
The prosperity of the United States and China depends on helping China further integrate into the global economic system.
The Clinton administration inherits strained bilateral relations with the leading powers of Asia and no coherent policy for the Asia / Pacific region as a whole. Trade, security and diplomatic style are the overarching challenges and on all three counts prominent Asians are worried. They fear a president bent on building trade walls, bringing home American troops and lecturing on human rights. Yet respect for the United States remains instinctive throughout the region, particularly given convincing progress in rejuvenating the American economy. Asia's quest for economic growth and more democratic government awaits leadership from Washington.
