BACK TO THE DRAWING BOARD
The traditional goals of U.S. foreign aid -- promoting U.S. security and fostering development in poor countries -- are no longer as pressing after the Cold War. Washington must revamp its approach to aid and address new, urgent priorities: shoring up peacekeeping efforts in such places as the Middle East and the Balkans; easing the transition to globalization; tackling transnational environmental crises and diseases; and improving the quality of life for the world's neediest. This new diplomacy will not only transform U.S. aid but bolster its relevance to American interests and values in a rapidly changing world.
To the Editor:
Carol Lancaster rightly emphasizes the need to shore up peacekeeping efforts in an era of globalization and increasing civil conflict. But her assertions of "signs of mission creep" at the World Bank, particularly with regard to "a program to finance the transition from war to peace, which is better undertaken by aid agencies that specialize in post-conflict relief and recovery" are way off the mark.
The World Bank was founded at the end of World War II to advance national reconstruction and development worldwide. During the Cold War, reconstruction tended to get ignored as the bipolar world focused on development as an instrument of influence. The end of the Cold War has initiated a more open discussion of the overlapping political and economic faces of development. With nearly half of the countries in Africa either in or emerging from interstate or intrastate conflict, it would be grossly negligent on economic grounds (such as protecting assets and enabling investment) if not on moral grounds (such as reducing hunger, malnutrition, unemployment, and fear) if the World Bank did not focus more on reducing poverty and building peace. After all, the connection between the two is undeniable: 14 of the 20 poorest countries in the world are currently in or emerging from armed conflict.
Of course, the World Bank is neither naive nor bold enough to assume that it can or should battle poverty alone. The bank's president, James D. Wolfenson, has done much to build partnerships with United Nations agencies, governments, nongovernmental organizations, civil society, foundations, and the private sector. Since the creation of the bank's Post-Conflict Unit a short three years ago, it has participated with U.N., bilateral, and multilateral agencies in more than 14 demobilization and reintegration programs worldwide. It has launched governance and anticorruption programs in a growing number of war-torn countries, working with Transparency International and others to address the rule of law, especially transparency and accountability in government, financial, bureaucratic, and judicial systems. And it has formed working relationships with the U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees, the International Committee of the Red Cross, the U.N. Development Program, and a host of other donor partners to close the gaps between relief and development. Together these groups have worked to rebuild social and human capital, provide livelihoods, and revitalize basic services in war-ravaged countries ranging from Rwanda to Mozambique. At the same time, the World Bank is continuing to work with the International Monetary Fund toward financial and economic policy reform in these countries.
NAT J. COLLETTA
Head, Post-Conflict Unit, the World Bank
Related
The traditional goals of U.S. foreign aid -- promoting U.S. security and fostering development in poor countries -- are no longer as pressing after the Cold War. Washington must revamp its approach to aid and address new, urgent priorities: shoring up peacekeeping efforts in such places as the Middle East and the Balkans; easing the transition to globalization; tackling transnational environmental crises and diseases; and improving the quality of life for the world's neediest. This new diplomacy will not only transform U.S. aid but bolster its relevance to American interests and values in a rapidly changing world.
The Dayton Accord is a bold attempt to create a nation in the face of ethnic hatred and fear, and it just may succeed-but only if U.S. troops stay and the coalition overseeing the peace puts the security of Muslims, Serbs, and Croats before their integration. For now, each group feels safe only with their own kind, and their self-created partition should be allowed to stand while the trauma of war fades. Material need and the desire for profit may bring the three peoples together in time. Meanwhile, the international community must rectify the gross disparity between the reconstruction aid and military supplies flowing to the Muslims and the crumbs and punitive attitude that are the Serbs' lot.
As a matter of policy, Washington is committed to supporting development in impoverished countries, and most Americans believe that it is following through. In fact, U.S. assistance for the world's poorest countries is utterly inadequate. Only a new international development strategy can rectify the situation. Continued failure will be too expensive, for the United States and the world.

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