America and the Intellectual Cold War in Europe
This fascinating book is both a biography of the American diplomat Shepard Stone and an intricate account of U.S. cultural policies in Europe after World War II. The son of Jewish immigrants, Stone had studied in Weimar Germany and married a German before returning to the United States to write for The New York Times. After working for the American intelligence service during the war, this Germanophile anti-Nazi became the coordinator of the American High Commission's cultural policies in West Germany. A master at what is now called "networking," Stone later worked at the Ford Foundation and eventually returned to Europe, first as head of the Congress for Cultural Freedom and then as director of the Aspen Institute in Berlin. Berghahn focuses primarily on the dual purpose of Stone's activities: mobilizing the moderate European left against communism and fighting anti-Americanism among European intellectuals. The author also underscores the importance of cultural diplomacy and the incestuous relationship between "private" institutions and the U.S. government, noting how the Congress for Cultural Freedom was a key weapon in Cold War cultural battles. (In 1962, its budget of $1.8 million received $1.4 million from unknown "government sources" -- i.e., the CIA.) By throwing light on this neglected but vital story, Berghahn has made a major contribution to the understanding of American hegemony in postwar Europe.
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The French always seem to be opposing the United States on some issue or other. They coddle Saddam Hussein and denounce American "cultural imperialism." Why is France so difficult to deal with? It is, quite simply, in a bad mood, unsure of its place and status in a new world. The French are jealous of America, which seems to run the world; afraid of globalization, which threatens to erode their culture; and ambivalent about European unification, which might drown out their voice. France must meet these challenges while struggling with a cumbersome statist economy and a rising extreme right. To do it all, France must transcend itself.
Kosovo has reinforced the Balkans' image as a cauldron of ethnic hatred. Many commentators argue that the region has always been wracked by ancient hatreds, while others maintain that today's strains are artificially created by cynical postcommunist demagogues looking to legitimate their rule. Neither school has it right. Balkan ethnic strains are neither as ancient as time nor as recent as the rise to power of Slobodan Milosevic; rather, they are about as old as the dissolution of the Ottoman Empire. To a historian, today's Balkan crises are rooted in, above all, a crippling dependence on the ideology of expansionist nationalism.
Two important new books explore just what it means to be English -- for an individual, for a nation, and for an erstwhile empire.
