China Confidential: American Diplomats and Sino-American Relations, 1945-1996
Skillfully weaving together excerpts from the oral histories of 51 American diplomats, Tucker has captured the insider's story of American policymaking toward China from 1945 to 1996. Starting with the post-World War II mission of George Marshall and going through the major turning points -- the Korean War, the offshore islands crises, the Warsaw talks, the Vietnam War, the Sino-Soviet split, "ping-pong diplomacy," Nixon's visit, normalization, and the Tiananmen Square tragedy -- the diplomats tell how they and others interpreted and sought to influence Chinese behavior. The reader has the sensation of eavesdropping on conversations among wise people, telling personal stories about the shaping of great events, with Tucker occasionally prodding them along with pointed questions. The perspective of the Foreign Service professionals is evident throughout, which enriches the account with sharp criticisms of not just the Chinese but of many American politicians and political appointees. A unique diplomatic history with a strong human dimension, far livelier than what one finds in the official archives.
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For some months, 1966 promised to be a year of significant albeit gradual change in American policy toward Communist China. In a strange and paradoxical fashion, the emotional issues of the Viet Nam War opened the way for the most sober, responsible and even-handed public discussion of China since the Communists came to power. At Congressional hearings and in the mass media, scholars and leaders of opinion have dispassionately calculated the possibilities for change, and Administration leaders have in their customarily guarded language intimated that change was not impossible. Most significant of all, the American public demonstrated a gratifying degree of maturity by forgetting the old passions and asking for only facts and analyses about the new China. Our national mood was increasingly one of believing that with prudence and wisdom it would be possible to work toward gradually incorporating China into responsible world relationships.
American optimism about East Asia, in precious short supply only a few years earlier, was abundantly available in 1980. "The arc from Korea through Taiwan and the Philippines, at the very center of great power rivalry for much of this century, is less subject to these strains today than at any time in well over forty years," Assistant Secretary of State Richard Holbrooke declared in June. Such pronouncements by U.S. policymakers were understandable: East Asia offered far more possibilities--for diplomatic overtures, for expanding trade--than anyone dared predict during the Vietnam era. But in 1980 enough warning signals were flashing throughout the region to suggest the need for a more balanced--and less buoyant--assessment.
In the tangled international tapestry certain relationships dominate the pattern. The U.S.-Soviet struggle has colored almost all world politics for a generation. Franco-German entente has ended centuries of European warfare. One relationship which holds much potential for improving world conditions is that between Japan and the United States. This bilateral relationship, conducted within a dense multilateral web in which each nation has many other ties based on interest and sentiment, is now, and will be increasingly, central to any proper functioning of the world economy and polity.

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