Road Map for National Security: Imperative for Change
Chartered by Congress as the most comprehensive national security review in half a century, the Hart-Rudman Commission (named for its chairs, former Senators Warren Rudman and Gary Hart) has issued three reports since 1999. The first report highlighted emerging issues for the next quarter-century, predicting a future much like the present, in which the United States is increasingly threatened by unconventional forms of attack. The second report called for more coherent national strategies to build coalitions and defend both the United States and vital international networks in areas such as energy and communications. This latest and final report focuses on how Washington institutions should adapt. The merits of a few of the report's ideas are already apparent and consequently have been adopted. In other cases, such as organizing homeland defense, the commission has helped consolidate an emerging consensus. Its thoughtful proposals, such as those for the Department of Defense, should aid the ongoing review. The recurrent hope throughout is that someone, somewhere, will animate the leftover institutions of the Cold War's national security state with fresher and more purposeful strategic direction.
Related
Ronald Reagan's dream never died; it only faded slightly. Star Wars is still with us in a scaled-back form. Although theater missile defenses -- popularized by the Gulf War's Patriots -- are now widely accepted, debate still rages over a nationwide system. Republicans worry about rogue states and terrorists with nukes, Democrats worry about angering Russia and violating treaty obligations, and neither side listens to the other. America is pouring billions of dollars into research and development, ignoring the fundamental flaws that missile defense has yet to overcome.
Since the Democrats regained control of Congress, the Hill has been alive with the sound of hearings. Congress' earlier slumber and recent awakening should come as no surprise: for the last six decades, the partisan composition of Congress has defined the politics of war. Now facing a Democratic majority, President George W. Bush will find it far more difficult to stay in Iraq.
Over the past six years, Congress' oversight of the executive branch on foreign and national security policy has virtually collapsed. Compounding the problem, the Bush administration has aggressively asserted executive prerogatives -- sometimes with dire consequences. The oversight problem must be fixed, ideally as part of a more fundamental effort to restore the balance between the two branches.

Sign-up for free weekly updates from ForeignAffairs.com.