Problematic Sovereignty: Contested Rules and Political Possibilities
These essays focus on problematic cases of modern sovereignty -- such as Taiwan, Bosnia, and Palestine -- in which the international rules of sovereignty are difficult to apply. In addressing how these rules affect stable arrangements, Krasner and his colleagues offer mixed answers. In the aftermath of the Soviet Union's collapse, for example, notions of sovereignty helpfully guided that region's reorganization. But in other cases, political settlements require the artful abridgement of classical norms. Shibley Telhami argues that a future Palestinian state may need to give up some aspects of sovereignty to gain international recognition. In an essay on Tibet, Michel Oksenberg argues that it was easier to accommodate Sino-Tibetan relations within the old Chinese tributary state system than within prevailing Western notions of legal sovereignty. Another piece points out that Taiwan does not have sovereign legal recognition even though it has acquired the functional capacities of an independent state. The book nicely demonstrates that norms of sovereignty are prized and contested but also surprisingly malleable. Hence creative solutions to disputes over state sovereignty are possible -- if the parties are willing.
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The American century, far from being over, is on the way. The information revolution, which capsized the Soviet Union and propelled Japan to eminence, has altered the equation of national power. America leads the world in the new technologies. Its emerging military systems can thwart any threat. On the "soft-power" side, it projects its ideals and other countries follow. To prevent an information race, America must share its lead; to preserve its reputation, it must keep its house in order.
Pacific powers would like Korea to reunify slowly, but the North is soon likely to implode, its economy deteriorating as its weapons of mass destruction accumulate. Rapid reunification would spur economic growth, as in Germany, and reduce regional tensions. South Korea's liberalization of its own economy and strengthening of its civic institutions will prepare it to assist the North. China and Russia may not go along, but Western governments should stop coddling Pyongyang. America should underwrite a united Korea's security, and Japan its finances.
Under Charles de Gaulle, French foreign policy as seen from Washington had a "nuisance value" at a time when France's domestic choices were much more in tune with those of her allies and neighbors. Under François Mitterrand, the radical nature of the domestic changes in France (e.g., nationalization of major industries and banks, decentralization of the administration of the country) have virtually changed French foreign policy into a reassuring value. At a time when pacifism is sweeping Northern Europe, and the Federal Republic of Germany in particular, France, with her firmness vis-à-vis the Soviet Union, her nuclear striking force, her strong defense budget and weak pacifist movement, seems an oasis of continuity.

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