France, the United States, and the Algerian War
There are books in which what is good is not original, and what is original is not good. Wall's book is a prime example. It first covers the Algerian war from its outbreak in 1954 to the collapse of France's Fourth Republic in 1959, touching on such crises as Suez in 1956 and the controversial bombing of Sakiet in 1958. Here Wall is serious and convincing but adds little new. The chapters that concern Charles de Gaulle's presidency from 1959 onward, however, are weaker. Wall maintains that de Gaulle sought to keep Algeria French to make it the linchpin of a French-dominated "Eurafrique" and propel France to world-power status. This grand hypothesis is original but simply not valid. De Gaulle knew perfectly well that Algeria would end up independent. He had to move incrementally, however, because of political resistance among the army, French settlers in Algeria, and conservatives in France -- factors that Wall overlooks. Wall wildly exaggerates the importance of Algeria and the United States in de Gaulle's global diplomacy, incorrectly arguing inter alia that Algeria was a major factor in de Gaulle's exit from NATO and that he had to accept Algerian self-determination because he had failed to enlist U.S. support. Wall's revisionism is ambitious, but such "orthodox" scholars as Frederic Bozo and Maurice Va•sse are far closer to reality.
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One morning early this summer a young French officer of the 1st Foreign Legion Parachute Regiment was asked why he had not participated, as had the rest of the unit, in the rebellion last April when strong elements of the French Army joined five retired generals in an abortive attempt to seize power in Algeria. "Because," he snapped, "I did not have the honor to be asked to join."
The saying that France has "the stupidest right in the world" was demonstrated again by the Algiers coup of April 1961. What the quartet of generals hoped to achieve that might or could have been durable is difficult to imagine. The French right is still nourished largely on the philosophy of Charles Maurras and the Action Française; and in recent years it has moved progressively toward fascism, a political development closely linked to phenomena of decay and obsolescence inherent in the social structure of France. This was expressed in laconic fashion by the former Catholic premier, Georges Bidault, when he said, "Tout se dégrade; je me sens devenir fasciste"- "Everything is debased; I feel myself becoming a fascist."
Nato's "disarray" has been made into a crisis by President de Gaulle's decision to withdraw French forces and facilities from the integrated structure of the Alliance. For the other NATO powers, and for the United States, this has provided a shock, but-in some ways-a salutary one. The fundamental issues of Europe's future, of Soviet-Western relations and of American policy are now more likely to be addressed. Before the French action these issues would likely have been evaded. Now there still is time to think relatively slowly and carefully about the objectives of the European-American alliance and of the United States itself in Europe's affairs.

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