Pariah States and Sanctions in the Middle East: Iraq, Libya, Sudan
A well-organized, brief account of the U.N. Security Council sanctions initiated in the 1990s against Iraq, Libya, and Sudan. By treating the three cases separately, Niblock brings out interesting differences. Sanctions against Libya, for example, did not block its sale of oil. Sanctions against Sudan did not threaten its economy; those in Iraq did. Niblock's disapproval of the U.S.-driven sanctions policies comes through strongly, and he is especially good at favorably presenting the policies and underlying assumptions of the targeted states that sought to get the sanctions lifted. Readers may feel that he makes the rulers of these states look better than they deserve, but that in no way undercuts his basic argument that sanctions have not achieved their goals. His reform proposals include linking sanctions relief to human-rights advances, using diplomatic rather than economic pressure, and forging a policy geared toward rehabilitation rather than reparations.
Related
Why did most of the world abandon Washington when it went after Saddam Hussein? The war in Iraq could never have been an easy sell, but nor should it have been such a difficult one. The Bush administration badly botched the prewar maneuvering, presenting a textbook study in how not to wage a diplomatic campaign.
One thing the current Iraq crisis has made clear is that a grand experiment of the twentieth century--the attempt to impose binding international law on the use of force--has failed. As Washington showed, nations need consider not whether armed intervention abroad is legal, merely whether it is preferable to the alternatives. The structure and rules of the UN Security Council really reflected the hopes of its founders rather than the realities of the way states work. And these hopes were no match for American hyperpower.
Michael J. Glennon got it wrong: don't count the UN Security Council out yet.

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